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1. Boethius’un Felsefenin Tesellisi İsimli Eserinde İnsanın Mutluluğu ve Felsefe’nin İşlevi

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 9-44 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.448160 İndir : 20180201.pdf

Yazar : Ahmet YILDIZ

Öz

Boethius’un (480-524) Felsefenin Tesellisiisimli eseri birtakım suçlamalarla ölüm cezasına çarptırılan ve acı bir şekilde öldürülen Boethius’un sürgündeki mahkûmiyet döneminde içinde bulunduğu mutsuzluk, keder hali karşısında “felsefe” de sükûnet, huzur arayışını anlatan, teselli türünden bir eserdir. Aslında Boethius, Teselli’de kendi kişisel mutsuzluklarını ve ruhsal hüzünlerini, felsefi bir bakış açısı ile irdeleyip bunlara teselliler sunarken, genel olarak insanın mutsuzluk nedenleri ve onun gerçek mutluluğu nasıl elde edebileceği hakkında önemli değerlendirmeler yapmaktadır. O, insanların bu dünya hayatında gerçekten mutlu olabilmesi için, insanın kendini bilmesinin, insan için gerçekten değerli olan şeylerin neler olduğunu bilmesinin, dünya ve hayatın nasıl yönetildiğine dair doğru bir kavrayışa sahip olmasının ve insanın kendi arzu ve tutumlarını bunlara uygun hale getirmesinin önemine dikkat çekmiştir. Ona göre, insan felsefi tefekkürle kendisinin Tanrısal kökenli ve ölümsüz bir varlık olduğunu tam manası ile idrak edince, artık kendisinin dışındaki, zenginlik, makam, şöhret gibi fâni dünyevî şeylerin, insan için gerçekten değerli olmadığını ve gerçek mutluluğun kaynağı olamayacağını kavrar. Ve bu kavrayış onun bunları kaybetmekten dolayı aşırı derecede üzülmesini engeller. Diğer taraftan gerçek mutluluğun bunlarda olamayacağını kavramak insanı bu fâni şeyler yerine kendi içine, ruhsal iyiliklere, erdemlere ve her türlü varlığın, kendi ruhunun ve her türlü iyiliğin kaynağı olan Tanrı’ya yönelmesini sağlamaktadır. Böylece insan yanlış yerlerde aradığı gerçek mutluluğu, ruh huzurunu bunlarda bulacaktır. Sonuçta insanın mutluluğu açısından çok önemli etkileri olan tüm bu kavrayışlara felsefi tefekkürle ulaşılmış olmasının, felsefenin insanın pratik hayatı açısından önemini teyit ettiği söylenebilir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Felsefe Tarihi, Boethius, Felsefenin Tesellisi, İnsanın Mutluluğu, Tanrısal Takdir

Lisans: Ahmet YILDIZ isimli yazarın "Boethius’un Felsefenin Tesellisi İsimli Eserinde İnsanın Mutluluğu ve Felsefe’nin İşlevi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Human’s Happiness and Role of Philosophy in Boethius’ the Consolation of Philosophy

Abstract

Consolation of Philosophyby Boethius (480-524) is a book in the kind of consolation. In this book Boethius seeks consolation for his griefs in his exile and dungeon from “Philosophy”. Here Philosophy appears as the personification of philosophical thinking and heritage and the convicted Boethius appears as a man who is, at the moment, devoid of this philosophcal thinking and heritage. In this respect this book can be read as a dialogue between philosophical perspective and ordinary perspective about human, human happines, valuable things in the World, World’s governance, divine providence’s fairness etc. In the Consolation, while Boethius philosophically analayzes his personal griefs and provides consolations for them, he actually gives very important explanations about the reasons of human’s griefs and sources of human’s true happiness generally. He sees philosophical thinking and heritage as basic actor in human’s escaping from unnecessary griefs and his tending toward true happiness. He sees philosophy as a rational activity which transports human soul to high truths and so heals his soul’s diseases. For Boethius these high truths are not foreign to human soul, because the souls of human had saw those truths but had forgotten them. So the task of the philosophy is to remember those truths for humans.

In his thought philosophy doesn’t give only theorical knowledge to humans, but also it teaches virtues and makes sincere follower of it virtuous. He had emphasized that philosophy has very long tradition but Boethius has mostly benefited from especially Platon’s thoughts in the heritage of philosophy. But, basic thoughts of Boethius that are arrived by philosophy are consistent with Christianity and general religious world view. He emphasized on the importance of human’s knowing himself, knowing true valuable things for him, knowing how the World is governed and on the importance of human’s adaption of his desires and attitudes to this knowledge for his happiness. And he thought that humans can attain true comprehension on these subject by philosophy. 

For him by philosophical thinking humans would comprehend his divine origin and his immortality, he would understand that his true happiness cannot be attained by mortal earthly things such as wealth, power, fame etc. Because they are mortal, external to human and that they are’not truly valuable for human. So he would understand that humans shouldn’t run after those things and shouldn’t be so much sad for their lost. On the other hand when he understands that they can’t give humans true happiness, human would turn their direction from them to his soul, soul’s virtues and the God who is the source of his soul, all creatures and all goods. And here he would find his true happines and soul’s serenity that he looks for in the wrong places. Because those things are truly valuable, truly in human’s ownership and immortal. Moreover the understanding that the wordly life is governed by God who is perfectly good and fair would eliminate the pessimism of human which arise from the ideas that the world operate randomly, that there isn’t justice in its operation, that the God is uncorcerned with human affairs. Also, the human’s belief in goodness and fairness of divine providence would ensure his serenity and hopefulnes in the front of every event. In this understanding of world and life the basic task of humans would be evaluating every circumstance to improve his spiritual values and to come near to God. Ultimately human’s happiness would be depend on human’s free choices and attitudes, whatever the worldy circumstances are. It can be said that Boethius’ idea that human’s value and true happines depend on his spirituel values and his inclanation toward God, which is in his power rather than external wordly circumstances, is very just and promising in terms of attaining this value and happiness. Because true happiness would be attainable by humans at the same time by all humans and this would provide the equal opportunity of happiness for humans who is devoid of some earthly means.

Boethius has arrived at those practically very important results for humans by philosophical thinking and heritage. So it can be inferred from this fact that philosophy is very important for human’s practical life. Accordingly, philosophy is very important activity for human’s knowing himself, evaluating life and events and things in the life truly, understanding true happiness for humans. On the other hand the fact that Boethius’s results arrived by philosophy are consistent with revelationary truths of celestial religions implies that there is only one truth and reason/philosophy and revelation/religion is consistent with each other. Also, it can be said that the fact that Boethius, inspite of his acceptance of Christianity had arrived this results by philosophical thinking and offered them philosophically, rather than in christian religiousness, has made him and his thoughts more universal.

Keywords: History of Philosophy, Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy, Human’s Happiness, Divine Providence

License: "Human’s Happiness and Role of Philosophy in Boethius’ the Consolation of Philosophy" by Ahmet YILDIZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

2. Mantık Tarihinde İsagoci Geleneği

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 45-62 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.435356 İndir : 20180202.pdf

Yazar : Kamil KÖMÜRCÜ

Öz

Sistemli bir bilim olarak milattan önce üçüncü ve dördüncü yüzyıllarda Antik Yunan dünyasında ortaya çıkmış olan mantık; bilim olmasından ziyade diğer bilimlerin öğrenilebilmesi için gerekli olan “araç” olarak kabul görülmüştür. Bu özelliği sebebiyle ona büyük değer atfedilmiş ve mantık öğretimine özel önem verilmiştir. Mantığı sistemli ve anlaşılır biçimde kavratmak amacıyla çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Porphyrios tarafından Aristoteles’in Kategoriler’ine giriş olarak yazılmış olan İsagociisimli eser de bir yanıyla bu niteliğe sahiptir. Söz konusu kitap mantığın İslam dünyasına girmesi ile Arapçaya tercüme edilmiştir. Başta Fârâbî, İbn Sîna olmak üzere Müslüman düşünürler tarafından aynı isimle veya benzer adlarla birçok çalışma yapılmıştır. İsagociüzerine çok sayıda şerh ve haşiye yazılmış bunun sonucunda İslam dünyasında İsagocigeleneği ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu gelenek ortaya çıktığı devirden günümüze kadar bazı kopukluklar olsa da devam etmiştir. İslam dünyasında hiç şüphesiz en çok şöhret bulmuş olanİsagoci, on üçüncü yüzyılda yaşamış olan Esirüddin el-Ebherî tarafından kaleme alınmıştır. Ebherî’nin yazmış olduğu İsagoci’de mantık konuları başlangıç seviyesindeki kimseler için oldukça kolay kavranılabilecek bir yapıya sahiptir. Bir hayli itibar görmüş olan bu tarz, İslam dünyasında İsagoci’nin şerh ve haşiyeleri ile devam ettirilmiş; Ebherî’nin İsagoci’si kendine has ayrı bir gelenek oluşturmuştur. Ebherî’nin İsagoci’sinin bilinen ilk şerhi on dördüncü yüzyılda yaşamış olan HüsameddinKâtî tarafından yapılmıştır. On beşinci yüzyıl müelliflerinden Muhyiddin et-Tâlişî de bu şerhe bir haşiye yazmış ve böylece günümüze kadar devam eden bir gelenek ortaya çıkmıştır. Bunun sonucunda gerekİsagocive şerhleri gerekse de benzer tarzda kaleme alınan başka kitaplar İslam dünyasının her köşesine yayılmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Mantık, Mantık öğretimi, İsagoci, Porphyrios, Ebheri

Lisans: Kamil KÖMÜRCÜ isimli yazarın "Mantık Tarihinde İsagoci Geleneği" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Tradition of Isagoge in the History of Logic

Abstract

Logic as a systematic science, first appeared in the Ancient Greek world during the third and fourth centuries B.c. Logic is an independent science but it has been seen as a “organon” for learning other sciences. Logic has been attributed great importance because of this feature. For this reason special emphasis has been placed on teaching of logic. Some books have been written for this purpose.

From the past to the present the book named Isagogehas an important place in teaching of logic. Isagogewas written by Porphyrios as an introduction to the Categorias, book of Aristotle. Five universal concept have been examined in Isagoge. At the same time this book is the work of the first emergence of the problem of universals.

Isagogeinfluenced the later period.This book has created a special tradition. This effect comes from translating it from Greek to Latin. Marius Victorinus first translated Isagogefrom Greek into Latin. But his translation is not complete.Then Boethius made his full and original translation and wrote two comments to Isagoge. Many commentaries were made on the work of Porphyrios in Greek and Latin. The oldest known interpretation of this book was made by Ammonious. Among the commenters of Porphyrios’ Isagogeare: Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias and Stephanus. In the following periods, the Syriacs were very interested in Isagoge. They translated this book several times into their own language. Syriac logicians have placed Isagogeat the introduction of Organon

Logic science was then passed on to the Muslims through the Syrians. Muslims have accepted sciences such as philosophy and logic after great debates. The reason for the scientific discussion is that these sciences are foreign sources. In the following period, logic is taught in the madrasas especially under the influence of Ghazali. 

 Isagogehas been translated into Arabic with the introduction to the logic in Islamic world. Abd-Allah Ibn al-Mukaffa first translated Isagogeof Porphyrios into Arabic. But his translation is incomplete. This book has been translated into Arabic as a whole by Abu Uthman al-Dımeshqî. In later periods Isagogewas translated into Arabic many times. After the translation period original works were written in Islamic World. Muslims have done much study with name Isagoge. Because Isagogemeans introduction, Muslims sometimes said “al-madhal” to such works. In this sense, it is said that the first original Isagogeauthor is al-Kindi. He wrote an introduction book entitled al-Madhal al-Mantıq. Ibn Tayyib al-Sarahsi, Abu Bakr al-Zakariyya al-Râzi and Ebu Bishr Matta b. Yunus  wrote similar works in the same way. Later, al-Farabi, Avicenna and Ikhvan al-Safa also wrote Isagoci.

Over time, the word “al-madhal” in Arabic dominated the Greek word “Isagoge” and replaced him for a long time. In the 13th century, one of the Muslim writers chose Isagohr as a name for his short piece of logic and make its learn as much as the day. This author's name is Athîr al-Din al-Abharî and his book name is İsagoge fî al-Mantıq. He gave this name to his study, influenced by the book of Porphyrios. In addition to this, the use of the name “al-madhal”, as well as the use of Isagoge, like al-Farabi and Avicenna.Al-Abharî also named his book Isagogeand famous with this name. In the Islamic world name of this book of al-Abharî comes to mind when called Isagoge. Because this work has been taught as introduction to science for centuries in madrasas.So much work has been done on Isagogethat after a certain point the name of this book has become a kind of name for introduction books. Isagogehas been working in the hands of Islamic logicions and has gained a original status in Arabic in Islamic culture.

A large number of commentaries and glossa have been written on Isagoge, which is written by al-Abharî. As a result, the Isagogetradition emerged in the Islamic World. This tradition continued from the 13th century, even if there were some disconnections. The most basic reason why this work constitutes a tradition is that it has been written in didactic style. In Isagoge, the logic matters are fairly easy to understand for beginners. 

In the Islamic world, this style has been continued with the commentaries and glossa of Isagoge. The first known commentary of Isagogewas made by Husam al-din Kâtî who lived in the fourteenth century. Muhyi al-din et-Tâlishi, one of the fifteenth century authors, wrote this a glossa. So that a tradition that has been going on day by day has emerged. As a result, both Isagogeand its commentarias, as well as other books of similar style, have spread to every corner of the Islamic world.

Keywords: Logic, Logic teaching, Isagoge, Porphyrios, Al-Abharî

License: "The Tradition of Isagoge in the History of Logic" by Kamil KÖMÜRCÜ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

3. İhvân-ı Safâ’da Sanatın Ahlaki Boyutları: Müzik Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 63-90 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.428296 İndir : 20180203.pdf

Yazar : Muhammet Fatih KILIÇ

Öz

Bu çalışma, IV/X. asırda Basra ve civarında bir felsefe topluluğu olarak yaşamış olan İhvân-ı Safâ’nın felsefesinde etik ve estetik arasındaki bütünlük ilişkisini müzik sanatı üzerinden ortaya koymayı amaçlar. Bu amaç doğrultusunda makalede öncelikle, müziği diğer sanatlardan farklı kılan özellikleri, müziğin kaynak ve gaye bakımından hikmetle olan ilişkisi, müziğin, İhvân’ın hakikate ulaşmanın temel yolu olarak gördüğü matematiğe dayalı zemini ve tanrısal sanatın doğrudan eseri olan semavi varlıklarla irtibatı ele alınmıştır.

İhvân’ın müziğe yüklediği bu metafizik anlam ve boyutlar, onların düşüncesinde, söz konusu sanatı metafiziğe açılan bir kapı hâline getirmektedir. Böylece müzik, bu sanatla meşgul olan kimselere söz konusu metafizik hakikatlerin gerekli kıldığı belirli ahlaki erdemler kazandırmaktadır. Metafizik hakikatlerin ahlaki sonuçlar doğurması fikrinin İhvân düşüncesindeki en belirgin anlamı, sanatın insanı Yüce Sanatkâra benzemeye çalışmaya sevk etmesi şeklinde ifade edilebilir. İhvân, metafizik bir çerçevede etikle estetik arasında kurduğu bu ilişkiyi, müziğin insan üzerindeki psiko-fizyolojik etkilerinin birtakım ahlaki sonuçlar doğurduğunu açıklayarak farklı bir düzlemde sürdürür. 

Bu açıklamasında İhvân, Galenci tıp geleneğine dayanan insandaki dört sıvı karışım (ahlât-ı erba‘a) teorisini müziğe uygular. Buna göre ud enstrümanındaki tellerin çıkardığı sesler, dört karışımın oranlarına etki ederek insanda cesaret, cömertlik, iffet ve yumuşak huyluluk gibi birtakım kalıcı ahlaki erdemler meydana getirmektedir. Bu düşüncesiyle İhvân, müzik üzerinden geliştirdiği etik ve estetik arasındaki bütünlük ilişkisini, metafizik bir çerçevenin yanı sıra fizik bir zeminde de kurmuş olur.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam felsefesi, İhvân-ı Safâ, Müzik, Estetik, Etik

Lisans: Muhammet Fatih KILIÇ isimli yazarın "İhvân-ı Safâ’da Sanatın Ahlaki Boyutları: Müzik Üzerine Bir İnceleme" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Al-Ikhwān Al-Ṣafāʾ on the Ethical Dimensions of Art: An Analysis on Music

Abstract

Since Ancient Geek philosophy, one of the most fundamental problems of the aesthetics has been the relationship between ethics and aesthetics. At the beginning of the questions that determine the nature of this relationship is the question of whether an object which is subjected to the judgment of beauty should have an ethically related content. Until modern times, this question has been answered to the point that, an object which is subjected to the judgment of beauty must also bear an ethical value. This answer states that in order to qualify an object or thing as beautiful in aesthetic sense, it should be connected to the good in ethical sense. From Ancient Greek philosophy to Islamic thought, we can clearly see the ideas and theories about this close relationship between ethics and aesthetics.

This study aims to reveal the integrity between ethics and aesthetics in the philosophy of the al-Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ,a group of philosophers living in Basra and its environs during 4th/10th century, through the art of music. For this purpose, it is discussed in this article how music influences on human morality in their philosophy.

The relationship between music and morality could be established in two ways in the philosophy of the al-Ikhwān: metaphysical and physical ways. When they connect music to metaphysics, they argue that music is a door to metaphysics, unlike the other arts. They refer to the strong effect of music in the human soul when they compare it with the other arts. As anauditory art, music has a richness of meaning that transcends the boundaries of the physical world and language. Through the sense of sight, one knows only what is at his side, but through the sense of hearing he may know the metaphysical truths that transcend time-space dimensions.As an art based on the sense of hearing, music can convey metaphysical truths to the audience differently from the other arts based on the sense of sight. Accordingly, music is a door for humans to direct them to the metaphysical truths and to enrich their morality.

The al-Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ assert that music has a divine and prophetic sources. These sources render it in relation to the wisdom.This thought about the source of the music also provides an explanation of the legitimacy of music. In order to emphasize this ground of legitimacy, they give some examples of usage of music used during religious rituals. They also argue that music in these rituals enriches human’s morality.

Another dimension as a metaphysical level for the relation between music and ethics in the philosophy of the al-Ikhwān is the mathematical basis of music.According to them, mathematics is the first path to the discovery of divine wisdom.This is because God has created the world in a harmony with the supreme proportions that describe the specific relation between the world and the numbers. Music is an art that is located in mathematics and that these supreme proportions could be obviously seen. Accordingly, music presents definitively the truth, divine wisdom and secrets.

The al-Ikhwānargue that music is similar and harmonious with the sounds that emerge from the movements of stars and planets. The happiness in the celestial world where there is no generation and corruption is reproduced by the artist in the world of generation and corruption through music.Thus, music increases the desire to rise to the celestial world.This desire is described by the al-Ikhwānas trying to resemble to God.This description demonstrate that they evaluate the nature of music in a metaphysical context. Consequently, performing music, according to them, creates a result that redirects the human to the metaphysics.This metaphysical redirection does not only have a theoretical dimension in the sense that one acquires knowledge of the truth, but also has a practical content in the act of human in the sense of the resemblance to God.This practical content concerns the moral development of a person.

Regarding the relation between music and morality, the al-Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ offer a physics-based explanation in addition to these metaphysical bases. They argue that music creates psycho-physiological effects on humans and that the melodies coming out of the strings of the lute influence the four elements; blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm in the human body. The background of this explication is the Hippocratic-Galician medical theory, which has become widespread in the Islamic world since the ninth century. Within this theory, they reveal that music influences the physical and psychological states of human and that it can create permanent moral virtues such as courage, generosity, chastity, and mercifulness.

Keywords: Islamic philosophy, the al-Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Music, Aesthetics, Ethics

License: "Al-Ikhwān Al-Ṣafāʾ on the Ethical Dimensions of Art: An Analysis on Music" by Muhammet Fatih KILIÇ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

4. İskenderiye Okulu ve Tıbbî-Mantıkî Gelenek

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 91-108 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.419866 İndir : 20180204.pdf

Yazar : Ahmet KAYACIK

Öz

İslam dünyasında felsefî düşüncenin gelişmesine altyapı oluşturan etkenlerden biri de Helenik okullardır. Bunları İskenderiye, Antakya, Harran, Bağdat ve Cündişâpur vd. olarak sıralamak mümkündür. Atina okulunun kapanmasının ardından kurulan İskenderiye Okulu, Müslümanların oraya komşu olmasıyla Yunan bilim ve felsefesinin İslam dünyasına geçişi ve öğrenilmesinde etkin bir role sahip olmuştur. Buradaki eğitim tarzı, Atina okulu eğitim geleneğinin devamı olmuş ve daha çok metinlerin yorumlanması üzerine olmuştur. Bu yöntem daha sonraki Süryani okullarda da devam ederek İslam toplumuna geçmiş ve felsefe metinlerinin anlaşılmasında önemli katkılar sağlamıştır. Bu okulun bir üyesi olmamakla beraber, buradaki eğitim sistemi ya da müfredatında önemli bir konuya dikkat çeken Galen, daha sonraları takip edilen bir geleneğin de başlatıcısı olmuştur. Bu geleneğe “Tıbbî-Mantıkî” veya “Tıbbî-Felsefî” gelenek denilmiştir. Çünkü bu okulda eğitim alan tıp öğrencileri kendi eğitimlerinde faydalı olsun diye, zorunlu olarak felsefe dersleri de almışlardır ki, bu içerikler Aristoteles’in mantık kitaplarının ilk dördünü oluşturmaktadır. Filozof-doktor diye anılan bir unvan da bu sebeple ortaya çıkmıştır. İslam dünyasındaki mantık ilminin gelişimi ile bu gelenek arasında doğrudan bir bağlantı kurulur ve mantık eğitimi tıpla bağlantılı olarak devam ettiği sürece mantık çalışmaları ilerleme kaydederken, bu bağlantı kesilip başka ilim dallarıyla birlikte ele alındığında ise bir devam sağlanmakla birlikte, ilerleme değil de gerileme olmuştur iddiası ortaya atılmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Mantık, İskenderiye okulu, Tıbbî-Mantıkî Gelenek, Mantık Tarihi, Galen

Lisans: Ahmet KAYACIK isimli yazarın "İskenderiye Okulu ve Tıbbî-Mantıkî Gelenek" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The School of Alexandria and the Medico-Logical Tradition

Abstract

Alexandria remained a great center of learning, yet very little is known about early Alexandrian medical curriculum and the effects of this school in Islamic World. The school of Alexandria and its role in the development of Islamic thought is not studied enough and not took in a special study. That’s why this study will try to say something about the Alexandrian school and the facts happened in there. 

As it is known this school was established after being closed the school of Athens by Justinian in 529, the educational materials and curriculums in there were transmitted to some centers like Alexandria and others. The Alexandrian School of Neo-Platonism was center for the investigation in the department of the special sciences and for labor of commenting on the works of Plato and Aristotle. Some of the members of this school like Ammonious, Ioannes, Philoponusand Olympiodoruscommented on the works of Plato and Aristotle. In the commentaries of the school special attention was paid to logical works of Aristotle, and in general it may be said of these commentaries that they show moderation and a desire on the part of their authors to give the natural interpretation of the works on which they are commenting. 

Characteristic of Alexandrian Neo-Platonism is its relation to Christianity and the thinkers of the celebrated Catechetical School. The result of the abandonment of the speculative extravagancies of Iamblichus and Proclus was that the Neo-platonic School at Alexandria gradually lost its specifically and pagan character and became rather a “neutral” philosophical institute: logic and science were obviously subjects on which Christians and pagan could meet on more or less common ground.

The Alexandrian School continued to instruction and trained many students. The method is applied in training of students was the commentary of the texts.  In both the Alexandrian and Athenian school there were two types of instruction: formal lectures and a species of graduate seminar.  The lectures were essentially exegetical, that is, they had to do explicating a text, and most of the extant Aristotelian commentaries, are the products of such lectures. Before the exegesis began, the professor gave a several preliminary lectures of a more general nature dealing with historical matters connected with the text at hand and setting the general exegetical direction. After the general lectures, the work of commenting the text began. The text was separated into small section and treated section by section. First, the lecturer went over the general meaning of the section, and then recovered the same ground in more details, explaining the more difficult lines and phrases. These commentaries have three types and every type has its own characters. Later these commentaries followed by Syriac academies and also by Baghdad School. 

As to Galen and his ideas on Medico-Philosophical traditionin Alexandrian School; even he is not a member of this School, his ideas on that subject became famous and has an important place in history of logic and medicine. As a physician Galen wrote on medical subjects and logic and one of his books has the title “the excellent physician is a philosopher” accepted as reason for this tradition. He thinks that a good or excellent doctor must know some other knowledges like physic, mathematics and philosophy. Because they will help him to solve some problems about the illnesses and their reasons, that is, the diseases and the symptoms, in his medical life. By using the method of inference, he get the conclusions. Upon that acceptance, some works of Aristotle were involved to the medical curriculum of Alexandrian School. These are first four books of OrganonCategories, De interpretatione, Syllogism and Demonstration. This curriculum has two courses: preparatory and main. In preparatory there are optional and compulsory subjects. Logical contents that under instruction take place in compulsory subjects and main courses; students take them before the medical education. The purpose of these logical lectures in this curriculum; the rules of logic are necessary for arriving at the right conclusion and enable students to distinguish between virtue and vice, truth and falsehood.

This tradition was established by Galen in Alexandrian School was transmitted to Islamic world and showed its effect in some milieu. Especially in the School of Baghdad. Many of its members had taken their instruction in this tradition, i.e., the medico-philosophical. But in this school this tradition was called as “medico-logical tradition.” Because the eminent members of this school were physicians and wrote logical subjects or their business on logical translations and commentaries. The case of Baghdad and the activities happened in here is a continuation of the tradition that of Alexandria. Some writers make a connection between development and decline of logical studies and this tradition in Islamic world. Their main idea is this: the logical studies began to develop in its relation to this medico-logical tradition and when this relation ended or cut it began to decline or continued in different manner.

Keywords: Logic, the Alexandrian School, Medico-Logical tradition, History of Logic, Galen

License: "The School of Alexandria and the Medico-Logical Tradition" by Ahmet KAYACIK is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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5. Irak’ta Şiî-İmamîliğin Yayılmasında Safevî-İran Etkisi

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 109-134 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.453563 İndir : 20180205.pdf

Yazar : Muharrem AKOĞLU

Öz

İslamiyet’in ilk döneminde dinî grup veya mezhebî yapılar yoktu. Hz. Peygamber sonrası dönemde insanî zeminde ve beşerî gerekçelerle mezhepler vücut buldu. Bu bağlamda Şia da Hz. Peygamber sonrası geç dönemlerde tarih sahnesine çıkan mezhebî yapılar arasında yer aldı.

Şiî düşüncenin gelişim seyrinde kırılma noktası oluşturan hadiselerin Irak coğrafyasında meydana geldiği bilinmektedir. Nitekim Hz. Ali’nin Irak coğrafyasında Kûfe’yi askerî karargâh edinmesi, aynı bölgede şehadete yürümesi ve bölge insanı ile gönül bağı oluşması, Hucr b. Adiy hareketi, Kerbela, Tevvabîn ve Muhtar es-Sakafî gibi hadiselerin Kûfe merkezli Irak coğrafyasında cereyan etmesi Şiî düşüncenin teşekkülüne giden süreçte dikkat çekicidir. Bu durum Şia’nın doğuşu açısından Irak coğrafyasının önemini ortaya koyduğu gibi, şiî düşüncenin gelişim ve teşekkülünün de yine bu coğrafyada gerçekleşmiş olması itibariyle aynı coğrafyayı, Şiîliğin anavatanı olarak belirginleştirdi.

Safevîler öncesi dönemde İran coğrafyasının Sünnî düşünce ağırlıklı bir bölge olduğu bilinmektedir. Ancak Şiîlik, Şah İsmail öncülüğünde kurulan Safevîler Devletinde mezhep olmanın ötesinde siyasallaştırılmak suretiyle resmî ideolojiye dönüştürüldü. Bu bağlamda Şiîlik, Safevîler eliyle İran yayılmacılığının siyasî ideolojik bir enstrümanı oldu. Irak coğrafyası da kültürel arka planı ve coğrafî konumu itibariyle yayılmacılığın hedefleri arasında görüldü. Özellikle önemli Şiî imamların bulundukları Atebât denilen türbe şehirlere İran’dan ziyaret ve göçler başladı. Devlet desteğini de alan bu durum Şiî ilim adamlarının ve tüccarların da Irak’a yönelmesini sağladı. Göçlerle başlayan bu süreç, Irak coğrafyasında Şiî nüfusun etkinlik kazanmasına gerekçe oluşturduğu gibi, Irak’ın kitlesel olarak Şiileşmesinin de önünü açtı.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Mezhepleri Tarihi, Şia, Irak, İran, Safevîler

Lisans: Muharrem AKOĞLU isimli yazarın "Irak’ta Şiî-İmamîliğin Yayılmasında Safevî-İran Etkisi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Safavid-Iranian Impact in Spread of Shiite Imamism in Iraq

Abstract

After the Prophet period the sects are social, political, cultural, economic or humanitarian structures made up of various reasons. Shiism is not out of this general. As a matter of fact, while beginning to feel the first evolution of Shiite thought in the beginning of the hijra second century, the emergence of the Shia-Imamate thought corresponds to the beginning of the fourth century, the end of the third century. 

It is known that the hadiths that formed the breaking point in the course of development of the Shiite thinker came to worship in the geography of Iraq. Indeed, Hz. Ali's military headquarters in Kufa in Iraq's geography, walk in the same area as a martyr and the formation of a heartfelt bond with the people of the region, Hucr b. Adiy movement, such as Karbala, Tevvabun and Muhtar es-Sakafi, takes place in the Kufe-based Iraqi geography, which is remarkable in the process leading to the formation of the Shiite thinker. This situation emphasized the importance of Iraqi geography in terms of the birth of Shia and the development and formation of Shiite thought in the same geography as the origin of Shiite. 

The expression that Shiite thought finds itself in Iraq's geography and that Iraq has Shiite thought by the Safawids can be seen as a paradoxical approach. However, with Shiism being homeland of Iraq, Shiism initially did not have the power of social influence in that region. There were more limited domains in particular places such as Karbala, Kufa, Najaf and Baghdad. Even, when it came to the end of the XV. century, Shia did not have a significant proportion of population in these regions. Finally, the Safavids State, which was formed in the lead of Shah Ismail, had an important effect on the development of Shiite thought in Iraq. As a matter of fact, the Safavids transformed Shiism into politics of the state and starting to use it as an ideological instrument of expansionist policies, in the process the spread of Shiism prepared the ground in the Iraqi geography.

Shah Ismail was the first sultan to turn from Safavids to Iraq. After this orientation he gave instructions to the Shiite imam and the leading ones in Baghdad and surrounding areas to repair of the species. In addition, he tried to solve the water problem in these regions and also did activities to make life easier for the people in the region. By providing various financial supports, by encouraging the Shiites to move to the region he has made the migration to Iraq attractive. In fact, among the Shiites, the tombs of a significant part of the imams are in Iraqi cities called atebât that Iraq attractive for Shi'i communities. The incentive of the Safavid state, the sensitivity of the Shiite beliefs about the imams, and the instigation of the Safavid administrators to visit and migrate to Iraq after the Shah Ismail increased the appeal of Iraq. As a result of the diversification of these incentives with popular imagination, a series of live conception among the Shiite communities in the tombs of imams, they began to spread their perceptions and understandings as if they could ask for help and try to gain their special position on Allah's side. Briefly, in the process starting with Shah Ismail, Iraq was perceived as Iran's covenant among some Shiite groups. This, in turn, increased the attractiveness of Iraq within the Shiite population, and accelerated regional migration. Undoubtedly, migrations to Iraq contributed to the strengthening of the theoretical and belief base in Shiite region. Moreover, the orientation of the merchant class to the region laid the foundation for an economic power to emerge among the Shiite masses.

It appears that the political support of the Sasanid State, the faith and the theoretical contribution of the jurisdiction, as well as the economic influences of the traders constituted the Shiite sub-structure of Iraq's geography in the process. 

Visits and migrations from Iran to Iraq can be classified into four categories.  The first of these is for visits and short-term ones, the second one those who intend to settle for a long time, undoubtedly, some of them think nearing the end of their lives, they had the desire to be buried near the imams’ grave in this area where they respect. Third, those who settled in Iraq for business and finally it can be explained as settlement by coming to the region in person as Shiite scholars for various reasons. All these immigration types have laid the groundwork for a social immigration to come to fruition by making Shiite strong in Iraq. 

The other administrations, which came to power after the Safavids, maintained the Shiite policies that started with the Safavids, either officially or unofficially. As a matter of fact, it is known that in the second half of the nineteenth century Shiite population in Baghdad reached two-thirds of the general population. In 1919 and 1932, Iraq's estimated overall Shiite population rose to 53-56% as a result of the proclamation of the constitutional legacy in the Ottoman Empire and the withdrawal of the Ottomans from the region. It is estimated that this ratio is 60-65% in the world we are in. In this context we can say that the change of religious color of a society in a short time does not seem to be possible in nature of the social transformation. As a matter of fact, the systematic Shiite of Iraq continues its adventure on the basis of their emergence with the beginning of the Safavid period.

Keywords: The History of Islamic Sects, Shia, Safawids, Iraq, Iran

License: "The Safavid-Iranian Impact in Spread of Shiite Imamism in Iraq" by Muharrem AKOĞLU is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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6. İḥyâ’u ʿUlûmi’d-Dîn’de Akıl ve Aklîlik

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 135-164 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.434059 İndir : 20180206.pdf

Yazar : Emrah KAYA

Öz

Bilgi; eksiksiz bir tanıma sahip olmasa da felsefe, kelâm ve tasavvufun temel tartışma konularından biridir. Bilginin, duyu organlarınca iletilen verilerin insan aklı tarafından işlenmesiyle ortaya çıktığını iddia edenler olduğu gibi bunlardan tamamen bağımsız bir şekilde kalbe bırakılan bir nur ile oluştuğunu iddia edenler de bulunmaktadır. Kalbe bırakılan nurun insanların çoğunda görülmemesi nedeniyle bilgi edinmede tüm insanların sahip olduğu ortak alet olan aklın konumunu tartışmaya açmak daha önemli görünmektedir. Bu bağlamda İslam düşüncesinde derin etkiye sahip olan Gazzâlî’nin önemli eserlerinden biri olan İḥyâ’da akıl ve aklîlik meselesinin nasıl ele alındığını bu makalede ortaya koymaya çalışıyoruz. Akıl kavramıyla ilişkili olarak ele alınan kalp ve ilim kavramlarının kullanımlarına da değinmek suretiyle Gazzâlî’nin akla yönelik tarafsız, olumlu ve olumsuz tutumunu sırasıyla işlediğimiz bu makalenin amacı genel bir Gazzâlî profili çizmek değil; müstakil olarak mezkûr eserde konuyu nasıl değerlendirdiğini tartışmaktır. Halk ile doğrudan iletişim halinde olan ve halkı irşâd eden kimselere yönelik yazılmış bu eserde insanlığın bilgi edinmede kullanabileceği ortak alet olan akla yönelik tutumun analizi kanaatimizce oldukça önemlidir. Akla farklı bağlamlarda değinen Gazzâlî’nin bu konuda her zaman tutarlı ve objektif olduğunu söylemek ise kolay görünmemektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Felsefesi, Gazzâlî, İhyâ’u ulûmi’d-dîn, Akıl, Aklîlik

Lisans: Emrah KAYA isimli yazarın "İḥyâ’u ʿUlûmi’d-Dîn’de Akıl ve Aklîlik" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Reason and Rationalıty in Iḥyā al-ʿUlūm al-Dīn

Abstract

Knowledge, despite the fact that there is no a complete definition yet, is one of the main discussion issues of philosophy, theology and tasawwuf. Some claim that knowledge occurs by means of reason that processes data transmitted by sense organs while others claim that knowledge occurs by means of a light released in the heart of humans. Since it is not mutual for all humans to have the light in the heart, focusing on the other way of knowledge, that it is to follow reason, seems more significant and remarkable at this stage. In this respect, we attempt to investigate in this article how to treat reason and rationality in Iḥyā al-ʿulūm al-dīn, the work of Ghazzālī who has a strong impact on the Islamic thought. In this article our purpose is not to draw an exhaustive profile of Ghazzālī but to make an assessment for neutral, positive and negative statements of Ghazzālī with respect to reason and rationality in the work. While explaining his neutral statements it is a requirement to touch on the terms heart (qalb) and knowledge (ʿilm) as well because they are relevant to the subject of reason. The work, Iḥyāwas written by Ghazzālī for those who are responsible to preach to and have a close connection with masses. Since reason is the tool of knowledge only shared by all humanity, studying the ideas, especially ideas on reason and rationality found in this work gains importance.

According to Ghazzālī, reason that could be described in several ways primarily means a potentiality through which humans differentiate from animals and conceive theoretical realities. In the second meaning, reason is a stage in which necessary knowledge (ḍarūriyyā) such as that two is bigger than one or a part is smaller than the whole becomes apparent. The third meaning of reason is to possess knowledge which based on experience while the forth meaning is to establish a control on passion and anger of human self. Especially the last meaning of reason occupies a large place in Iḥyāthat Ghazzālī frequently emphasizes relation between being reasonable (intelligent) and religious (pious). 

Another important point in the work is that Ghazzālī uses the term, reason sometimes synonymous with the heart (qalb) and sometimes as a part of the heart. This kind of dual usage of reason causes two different results. When Ghazzālī considers reason synonymous with the heart, he praises reason and encourages to use it. However, when he considers reason as a part of the heart, he minimizes reason as something to clean the heart only. In this case, reason does not have a functionality on searching for the reality and truth, but it is a tool only to block effects of passion and anger. This distinction is one of the cornerstones of this article because we believe in that a cause of negative statements of Ghazzālī is his minimalizing approach to reason.

As for the subject of knowledge, that is a fruit (thamara) of reason, Ghazzālī classifies it religious (sharʿī) and rational knowledge (ʿaqlī) on the one hand, and religious and non-religious knowledge on the other hand. The real and praised knowledge according to Ghazzālī is to realize God, His attributes, acts and the truths regarding the afterlife in addition to taking steps to avoid interventions of the Satan. The main criterion to distinguish praised and disparaged knowledge is the aim of knowledge. If knowledge makes the individual closer to God, it is praised and acceptable. Other kind of knowledge, which provides a profit neither for this life nor for the afterlife, is disparaged and redundant. 

With respect to the negative statements of Ghazzālī, they base on his placement of the reality beyond the scope of reason. Limits for reason may be understood as a phenomenon but as long as the reality (ḥaqq) is placed beyond the scope of reason, a hierarchical structure among human beings may be inevitable. Certainly the point we defend is not a solid rational materialism but consideration of reason as deficient, inconsistent and inadequate is not compatible with the Quranic instruction about reflecting on and reasoning. In addition, Ghazzālī claims that the most valuable servitude can be possible with some kinds of worships/deeds, the hidden meanings of which humans do not comprehend. For example, the sincerity and loyalty of a servant appear when she/he throws stones to satans (jamarāt) in Hajj because human reason is not capable of conceiving the meaning of this act.

To sum up, Ghazzālī in İḥyāuses the term, ʿaql(reason) in different contexts and reaches different propositions and judgements. Among these propositions and judgements neutral, positive and negative approaches can be found together. Since this work rather than other works of Ghazzālī such as Tahāfut al-falāsifaMaqāṣid al-falāsifaand Mi’yār al-ʿilmis influential on Muslims throughout Islamic history, the concept of reason, that is the tool of knowledge for humans, it is worthy of being studied particularly. At the end, it is difficult to assert that Ghazzālī, who deals with reason in various contexts, is always objective and consistent on the subject of reason and rationality.

Keywords: Islamic Philosophy, Ghazzālī, Iḥyā al-ʿulūm al-dīn, Reason, Rationality

License: "Reason and Rationalıty in Iḥyā al-ʿUlūm al-Dīn" by Emrah KAYA is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

7. Hayatı Anlamlandırma İle Kişilik Özellikleri Arasındaki İlişki Üzerine

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 165-188 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.459247 İndir : 20180207.pdf

Yazar : Mustafa ULU

Öz

Anlam arayışı, II. Dünya Savaşı'nın da etkisiyle 1950'ler ve 1960'larda ortaya çıkan hümanist, fenomenolojik, varoluşsal kişilik kuramlarında yaygın olarak görülen merkezi bir temadır. Özellikle Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow, George Kelly ve Rollo May tarafından hayatın anlamına dair geniş perspektifler sunulmaktadır. Ancak bu alanda en çok tanınan isim, yayınladığı çalışmalara ek olarak Logoterapi adında bir psikoterapi tekniği de geliştirmiş olduğu için Viktor E. Frankl'dır. Frankl, anlam arayışının temel bir insan eğilimi olduğunu ve insan kişiliğinde en esaslı ve en temel motive edici gücün, içgüdüsel dürtüler ya da öğrenilmiş davranış kalıpları değil, bireyin varoluşunun anlamını keşfetme arzusu olduğunu savunmuştur.

Bu çalışmada, hayatı anlamlandırma ile kişilik özellikleri arasında bir ilişki olup olmadığı Kayseri ilinde iki farklı devlet lisesinde öğrenim gören 238 öğrenciden nicel yöntemle veri toplanarak incelenmektedir. Katılımcıların %65'ini (n=154) erkekler ve geri kalan %35'ini (n=84) kadınlar oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmada kişilik özelliklerinin belirlenmesi için HEXACO Kişilik Envanteri, hayatın anlam ve amacının belirlenmesindeHayatın Anlam ve Amacı Ölçeğikullanılmıştır. Analiz sonuçlarına göre katılımcılar, Hayatın Anlam ve Amacı faktöründe 3,68 (sd.=0,95); Anlamsızlık ve Amaç Yoksunluğu faktöründe 2,68 (sd.=0,99) ortalamaya sahip olmuşlardır. Kişilik özellikleri açısından en yüksek ortalamayı Duyarlılık (m=2,89; sd.=,68); en düşük ortalamayı ise Dürüstlük-Alçakgönüllülük (m=2,54; sd.=,67) faktörlerinden elde etmişlerdir. t-Testi, Hayatın Anlam ve Amacı'nda kadınların ortalama puanlarının anlamlı olarak daha yüksek olduğunu; kişilik özellikleri açısından ise Dürüstlük-Alçakgönüllülük, Duyarlılık, Dışadönüklük faktörlerinde anlamlılık düzeyinde farklılaşma olduğunu göstermektedir. Korelasyon analizine göre de faktörlerin neredeyse tamamı ilişki içerisindedir. Regresyon analizi sonucuna göre kişilik özelliklerinden Deneyime Açıklık (β=-,23; p=,001), Hayatın Anlam ve Amacındaki varyansın %8'ini açıklamaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Din Psikolojisi, Anlam arayışı, Kişilik özellikleri, Logoterapi

Lisans: Mustafa ULU isimli yazarın "Hayatı Anlamlandırma İle Kişilik Özellikleri Arasındaki İlişki Üzerine" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

On the Relationship Between the Quest for Meaning and Personality Traits

Abstract

The quest for meaning is a central theme broadly seen in the humanist, phenomenological, existentialist theories of the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by the Second World War. Particularly, Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow, George Kelly and Rollo May offer a wide range of perspectives on the meaning of life. However, Viktor E. Frankl is best known person for the meaning and purpose of life, as he has developed a psychotherapy technique called logotherapy in addition to the work he has published. Frankl argued that the quest for meaning is a basic human tendency and that it is the desire to discover the meaning of the existence of the individual, not the most fundamental and motivating power, instinctual impulses, or learned patterns of behavior in the human person.

This study examines whether there is a relationship between personality traits and the meaning of life. In this sense, data were collected from 238 students in two different state schools in Kayseri by quantitative method. 65% of participants (n=154) are male and the remaining 35%(n=84) are women. HEXACO Personality Inventory developed by Lee and Ashton and adapted to Turkish by Wasti, Lee, Ashton and Somer was used to determine personality traits in the study. In determining the meaning and purpose of life, Meaning and Purpose of Life Scale developed by Aydin, Kaya and Peker was preferred. Mean and standard deviation values from descriptive statistical techniques in the analysis of data; independent t-test of inferential statistical techniques; Pearson Moments Multiplication Correlation technique and Regression analysis are used. According to the results of the analysis, the participant had 3,68 (sd.=0,95) average on the meaning and purpose of life factor and had 2,68 (sd.=0,99) average on the meaninglessness and purposelessness of life factor. In terms of personality traits, the participants had the highest average on Emotionality (m=2,89; sd.=,68); the lowest average on Honesty-Humility (m=2,54; sd.=,67). The t-Test shows that the mean scores of women in the meaning and purpose of life are significantly higher the men; and that there is a difference in level of Honesty-Humility, Emotionality and Extraversion in terms of personality traits. According to the correlation analysis, almost all of the factors are in relation. Openness to Experience (β = -, 23; p =, 001) from the personality traits according to the regression analysis reveals 8% of the variance in the meaning and purpose of life.

The quest for meaning is a central theme broadly seen in the humanist, phenomenological, existentialist theories of the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by the Second World War. Particularly, Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow, George Kelly and Rollo May offer a wide range of perspectives on the meaning of life. However, Viktor E. Frankl is best known person for the meaning and purpose of life, as he has developed a psychotherapy technique called logotherapy in addition to the work he has published. Frankl argued that the quest for meaning is a basic human tendency and that it is the desire to discover the meaning of the existence of the individual, not the most fundamental and motivating power, instinctual impulses, or learned patterns of behavior in the human person.

This study examines whether there is a relationship between personality traits and the meaning of life. In this sense, data were collected from 238 students in two different state schools in Kayseri by quantitative method. 65% of participants (n=154) are male and the remaining 35%(n=84) are women. HEXACO Personality Inventory developed by Lee and Ashton and adapted to Turkish by Wasti, Lee, Ashton and Somer was used to determine personality traits in the study. In determining the meaning and purpose of life, Meaning and Purpose of Life Scale developed by Aydin, Kaya and Peker was preferred. Mean and standard deviation values from descriptive statistical techniques in the analysis of data; independent t-test of inferential statistical techniques; Pearson Moments Multiplication Correlation technique and Regression analysis are used. According to the results of the analysis, the participant had 3,68 (sd.=0,95) average on the meaning and purpose of life factor and had 2,68 (sd.=0,99) average on the meaninglessness and purposelessness of life factor. In terms of personality traits, the participants had the highest average on Emotionality (m=2,89; sd.=,68); the lowest average on Honesty-Humility (m=2,54; sd.=,67). The t-Test shows that the mean scores of women in the meaning and purpose of life are significantly higher the men; and that there is a difference in level of Honesty-Humility, Emotionality and Extraversion in terms of personality traits. According to the correlation analysis, almost all of the factors are in relation. Openness to Experience (β = -, 23; p =, 001) from the personality traits according to the regression analysis reveals 8% of the variance in the meaning and purpose of life.

The quest for meaning is a central theme broadly seen in the humanist, phenomenological, existentialist theories of the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by the Second World War. Particularly, Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow, George Kelly and Rollo May offer a wide range of perspectives on the meaning of life. However, Viktor E. Frankl is best known person for the meaning and purpose of life, as he has developed a psychotherapy technique called logotherapy in addition to the work he has published. Frankl argued that the quest for meaning is a basic human tendency and that it is the desire to discover the meaning of the existence of the individual, not the most fundamental and motivating power, instinctual impulses, or learned patterns of behavior in the human person.

This study examines whether there is a relationship between personality traits and the meaning of life. In this sense, data were collected from 238 students in two different state schools in Kayseri by quantitative method. 65% of participants (n=154) are male and the remaining 35%(n=84) are women. HEXACO Personality Inventory developed by Lee and Ashton and adapted to Turkish by Wasti, Lee, Ashton and Somer was used to determine personality traits in the study. In determining the meaning and purpose of life, Meaning and Purpose of Life Scale developed by Aydin, Kaya and Peker was preferred. Mean and standard deviation values from descriptive statistical techniques in the analysis of data; independent t-test of inferential statistical techniques; Pearson Moments Multiplication Correlation technique and Regression analysis are used. According to the results of the analysis, the participant had 3,68 (sd.=0,95) average on the meaning and purpose of life factor and had 2,68 (sd.=0,99) average on the meaninglessness and purposelessness of life factor. In terms of personality traits, the participants had the highest average on Emotionality (m=2,89; sd.=,68); the lowest average on Honesty-Humility (m=2,54; sd.=,67). The t-Test shows that the mean scores of women in the meaning and purpose of life are significantly higher the men; and that there is a difference in level of Honesty-Humility, Emotionality and Extraversion in terms of personality traits. According to the correlation analysis, almost all of the factors are in relation. Openness to Experience (β = -, 23; p =, 001) from the personality traits according to the regression analysis reveals 8% of the variance in the meaning and purpose of life.

Keywords: Psycholgy of Religion, Quest for meaning, Personality traits, Logotherapy

License: "On the Relationship Between the Quest for Meaning and Personality Traits" by Mustafa ULU is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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8. Saçaklızâde Mehmed Efendi’nin İlimlere Bakışı: Tertîbü’l-‘Ulûm Bağlamında Bir İnceleme

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 189-211 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.455840 İndir : 20180208.pdf

Yazar : Yasin APAYDIN

Öz

Müslüman düşünürler kendi dönemlerine gelinceye kadar ortaya konan ilim anlayışlarını ilimler tasnifine tahsis ettikleri eserlerde ele almışlardır. Bu eserler, onların ilimleri belirli ölçütleri dikkate alarak tasnif çabaları görülebileceği gibi bu düşünürlerin ilim anlayışları ve ilimler arası hiyerarşiye dair fikirlerini de ihtiva etmektedir. Bu düşünürler arasında Saçaklızâde Mehmed Efendi’nin Tertîbü’l-‘ulûmadını verdiği eseri, onun genel bir ilimler tasnifi anlayışını ortaya koyması yanında kendi düşüncesi içerisinde ilimlere bakışına dair önemli bilgiler sunmaktadır. İlimleri fayda kavramını merkeze alarak tasnif ettiği bu çalışmada otuş beş kadar ilim detaylı bir şekilde yer almaktadır. Bu ilimler mevzu, mesail, mebadi ve mesâili olması zorunlu felsefî ilimler yanında bazı ilimlerin alt ilimleri şeklinde değerlendirilebilecek olanları da kapsamaktadır. Eser, ilimler tasnifi eseri olmanın ötesinde Saçaklızâde’nn dönemine dair izlenimlerini de içermekte ve o dönem eğitim kurumları olan medreselerde görülen bazı yanlış veya eksik tutumların düzeltilmesi ve tamamlanmasına yönelik bazı teklifleri içermektedir. Eserin hâtimesini oluşturan ve felsefî ilimlere dair müellifin yargılarını içeren kısım, Saçaklızâde’nin felsefe anlayışına dair önemli bilgiler barındırmakta olup İslam felsefesi tarihinde Gazalî ile en üst düzeyde temsil edilen felâsife karşıtlığını ve felsefî ilimlerin tümüyle değil de kısmen reddini net bir dille ortaya koymaktadır. Bu çalışma, zikredilen eser bağlamında Saçaklızâde’nin ilimlere bakışını ve bu bakış açısının bir sonucu olarak felsefî ilimlere dair mülahazalarını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Felsefesi, Saçaklızâde, Tertîbü’l-‘ulûm, Fayda, Felsefî İlimler

Lisans: Yasin APAYDIN isimli yazarın "Saçaklızâde Mehmed Efendi’nin İlimlere Bakışı: Tertîbü’l-‘Ulûm Bağlamında Bir İnceleme" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Sāçaklīzāde’s Understanding of al-‘Ulūm: A Study in the Context of Tartīb al-‘Ulūm

Abstract

Muslim thinkers including al-Fārābi, al-Khawārizmī, and Ibn Sīnā tried to present a general view of the sciences through their works on the classification of sciences (tasnif al-‘ulum). For some the concept of science was more philosophical, while others prefered a more general approach.Ottoman thinker Mehmed b. Abī Bakr known as Sāçaklīzāde in hisTartīb al-‘ulumseeked to present the classification of sciences in a broad sense in which he dealt with thirty five sciences covering their definitions, scopes and main issues.

The book is divided into three main sections, supplementary section and epilog. Every section deals with three main issues. The first part seek to count the beneficial sciences and their division into revealed (shar‘i) and not-revealed (gayr shar‘i) sciences. Second part involves the definitions of beneficial sciences and non-virtual acts. Third part contains the hierarchy in learning process which every learner should pursue. As for supplementary part it consists of a praise of the Qur’an. Last part of the book is about philosophy and contains a strong attack to philosophers and their sciences.

In this article, I aim to present Tartīb al-‘ulūmas a part of the literature of classification of sciences. In doing so, I will try to show that the author’s understanding of al-‘ilm is reflected in his classification and allows him an opportunity to examine the sciences in a more general sense. There is a strong tie between Sācaklizāde’s classification of sciences in a broad sense and his understanding of sciences. In chapter 4 of the first part of the book under the title ‘equivalence of sciences under three meanings’ he mentions that when the concept of science (al-‘ilm) is used there are three possibilities. First is a group of problems (mas’ala) of the science. Second, perception (idrak) of the problems. Third, the skill (malaka) obtained after repetition of the perception. Based on this triple meanings of the science, the recitation of Quran and learning of Persian language are considered among sciences.

Secondly, it should be recorded that Saçaklīzāde’s classification is based on values taken from fiqh. Firstly he classified sciences into three kinds. First of them are called useful sciences including religious ones. Second kind is the opposite of the first part and called dangerous sciences including philosophical sciences. Third kind is the sciences that are not useful nor dangerous but neutral namely they do not bring to its learner any use or danger. Every kind correspond to a particular ruling in fiqh namely fard, haram and mubah. 

Thirdly, Sāçaklīzāde’s main aim in his work is not merely a presentation of a classification of sciences. Rather he provides an education model for his time’s learners especially for the madrasah members. In this context, he wanted to change the schedule of madrasahs. For him anything to be learned should be done gradually. A student should begin with main texts (matn) and then move on to more difficult texts i.e. commentaries (sharh) and glossaries (hashiyah). However what he observed conflicted with his advice. Therefore we see him complaining about learners who spend most of their times by studying some philosophical or theological text without getting benefits.  

While criticizing the schedule and method of teaching in his time he also attacks the philosophers of his time and criticizes their doctrines found in their works. With a reference to a treatise on the proofs for the existence of Necesary Being of al-Dawanī called Risāla fī İthbāt al-Wācibhe see no benefit to studying such a topic for many years. The people he criticizes are not limited to Dawanī but rather include most of the philosophers such as Fārābi, İbn Sinā, Tūsi and even theologians engaged with peripatetics like Baydāwī, Ījī and Jurjānī. He mostly quotes from Ghazālī, Subqī, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya.

Despite the fact that he spent most of his time learning and teaching theological texts written during the period in which kalam and philosophy are engaged, his critique of philosophy is highly sharp. He does not hesitate to accuse the philosophers by damaging the doctrine and blame the theologians by pursuing them. However like al-Ghazālī he distinguishes philosophical sciences and directs his critique to metaphyisics. As an example, while he commends to the quotations taken from scholars who blames philosohy and philosophers he insists that what they meant by philosophy is mostly part of natural philosophy and metaphysics.

I believe that without exploring the understanding of science and his exposition different dimensions of it would be difficult to gain complete picture of his classification of sciences. Likewise his important work Tartīb al-‘ulūmis not just a book on classification of sciences but a product of a project through it its author try to change the educational system of his time.

Keywords: Islamic Philosophy, Sācaklīzāde, Tartīb al-‘ulūm, Philosophical Sciences

License: "Sāçaklīzāde’s Understanding of al-‘Ulūm: A Study in the Context of Tartīb al-‘Ulūm" by Yasin APAYDIN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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9. Türk Din Psikolojisinde Öncü Bir İsim: Neda Armaner Üzerine Biyografik Bir Araştırma

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 213-259 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.450269 İndir : 20180209.pdf

Yazar : Mustafa KOÇ

Öz

Din psikolojisi alanında bilimsel araştırma yapan ve akademik metin üreten alan aktörüne akademisyen ‘din psikoloğu’ denir. Bu makalede, Türkiye’de din psikolojisi alanında yapılan bilimsel çalışmalara önemli katkısı olan ilk akademisyen din psikoloğu Neda Armaner’in (a) akademik hayatı, (b) özel ilgi alanları, (c) akademik çalışmaları, (d) verdiği lisans ve lisansüstü dersleri, (e) yönettiği lisansüstü tezleri ve (f) Türk din psikolojisi çalışmaları üzerine kişisel düşüncelerine yer verilmiştir. Sonuç olarak makalede; ‘Armaner’in (i) toplamda 27 yıl Ankara Üniversitesi ve Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi’nde akademisyenlik yaptığı, (ii) bilimsel çalışmalarının (a)-tez (n=3), (b)-kitap (n=8), (c)-makale (n=11), (d)-kitap bölümü (n=1), (e)-bildiri (n=5), (f)-editörlük (n=1) şeklindeki akademik ürün (n=29) çeşitliliğine sahip olduğu; (iii) çeşitli içeriklerde lisans ve lisansüstü dersler (n=6) verdiği; (iv) doktora düzeyinde (n=4) tezler yönettiği; (v) bilimsel çalışmalarına genel olarak bakıldığında ‘(a) din psikolojisi ve din pedagojisi ilişkisi, (b) psikopatolojide dinsel semptomlar, (c) din pedagojisinde metodoloji, (d) kişilik eğitimi, (e) dinsel iletişim, (f) kadın araştırmaları’ gibi özel ilgi alanları (n=6) olduğu; (vi)-Türkiye’nin ilk din psikoloğu olarak Armaner’in Türk din psikolojisi tarihindeki bağlamsal konumunun, ikinci nesil din psikologlarını yetiştiren Türk din psikolojisi kurucularının yer aldığı din psikolojisinin tanınması sürecini kapsayan ilk dönem [1949-1979] içerisinde değerlendirilebileceği; (vii)-röportaj sorularına (n=50) verdiği cevaplarda alana ilişkin önemli öznel analizler yaptığı’’ tespit edilmiştir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Din psikolojisi, Biyografik çalışma, Din psikoloğu, Neda Armaner, Bilim Tarihi

Lisans: Mustafa KOÇ isimli yazarın "Türk Din Psikolojisinde Öncü Bir İsim: Neda Armaner Üzerine Biyografik Bir Araştırma" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Leading Name in Turkish Psychology of Religion: A Biographical Research on Neda Armaner

Abstract

The field actor who conducts scientific research and produces academic texts in the field of psychology of religion is called academician 'psychologist of religion'. The purpose of this article is to provide the bio-bibliographic contribution to the history and literature of Turkish psychology of religion by doing a biographical study on Neda Armaner (Professor) who is working on the field of psychology of religion in Turkey as the first academic member. An academician, the first psychologist of religion, and important contributor to scientific studies on the psychology of religion in Turkey, Neda Armaner’s (a) academic life, (b) special interests, (c) academic studies, (d) undergraduate and graduate courses, (e) supervised graduate theses and (f) personal thoughts on Turkish psychology of religion studies are given place in this article. 

a. Armaner’s Academic Life

Armaner was born in Samatya on March 11, 1920, in the province of Fatih, Istanbul. She completed her primary education in 1927 in İstanbul and she finished Konya School of Teacher Education as well as secondary school in 1932. After graduating from Ankara Girls’ High School, Armaner started her higher education in 1937 at the Faculty of Law, University Ankara. After receiving law education at the foundation degree for two years in the mentioned faculty, Armaner, who was one of the first graduates of this faculty, completed the Faculty of Theology, Ankara University in 1949. From 1953 to 1959 she worked at Edirne Girls' Teacher School and Edirne High School. Armaner, started her academic life as an assistant at the Faculty of Theology, Ankara University in 1960, firstly received the Ph.D. degree with the assistant thesis titled "Nurture of Religion in terms of Faith and Behavior Integrity" in the field of psychology of religion in Turkey in 1963. From this year onwards, Armaner who started to work as a doctor assistant at the Faculty of Theology, Ankara University and for a long time she worked as an assistant to Hilmi Ziya Ülken (Professor) at the Department of Psychology and Psychology of Religion at the Faculty of Theology, Ankara University. Armaner received the title of "Associate Professor" with her thesis titled "Religious Symptoms in Psychopathology" in 1972 and also she gained the title of "Professor" in 1982. Armaner was invited by the rector of the university in 1983 and she was the founding director of Ondokuz Mayıs University Institute of Social Sciences in Samsun.Armaner continued her duty in the Institute of Social Sciences of Ondokuz Mayıs University in 1987, but she retired from the age limit. Armaner who started her academic career and working life as an 'assistant of psychology of religion' at the University of Ankara, completed her life as an 'institute director' at the Institute of Social Sciences of Ondokuz Mayıs University. Armaner, who speaks English and French as a foreign language, never married. Armaner (2018), who is 98 years old, continues her post-retirement life in Izmit / Darıca in Turkey.

b. Armaner’s Academic Studies / Works

1. Dissertations

a. (1949). The status of the woman in Es-Sahihan (Bukhari and Muslim) - [Bachelor degree thesis]. Ankara: Ankara University Faculty of Theology.

b. (1963). Nurture of religion in terms of faith and behavior integrity - [PhD thesis]. Ankara: Ankara University Faculty of Theology. (Advisor: Prof. Dr. Bedi Ziya Egemen).

c. (1972). Religious Symptoms in Psychopathology - [Thesis of associate professorship]. Ankara: Ankara University.

2. Books

a. (1957). Course book of religious information - I. İstanbul: Ministry of National Education Publishing. (234 s).

b. (1960). Methodological information in religious education and training. (With A. Z. Ökmen). İstanbul: Ministry of National Education Publishing. (41s.).

c. (1964). Movements that separate from Islamic religion: The Nursi movement. Ankara: Ministry of National Education Publishing.

d. (1964). On Islamic rhetoric and preaching. Ankara: Ayyıldız Printing House. (195 s).

e. (1967). Nurture of religion in terms of faith and behavior integrity. Istanbul: Ministry of National Education Publishing.

f. (1973). Course book of religious information - II. İstanbul: Ministry of National Education Publishing

g. (1973). Religious symptoms in psychopathology. Ankara: Ayyıldız Printing House. (220 s).

h. (1980). Introduction to psychology of religion - I. Ankara: Ayyıldız Printing House. (178 s). 

3. Articles

a. (1958). On religious education in our schools. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 7(1), 115-117.

b. (1961). An overview of women's social situation according to the hadiths. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 9, 131-139.

c. (1964). Didactic researches on religious education and training. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 8.

d. (1976). The role of religious culture in the nurture of personality. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 21, 143-149.

e. (1977). The centripetal phenomenon: Women's rights. Journal of Educational Movements,268-269.

f. (1978). The importance of psychology in religious education. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 23, 215-220.

g. (1981). Factors that affect child's thinking and behavior in school and their guidance. Journal of Faculty of Theology Ankara University, 24(1), 167-173.

h. (1981). Secularism and bigotry. Journal of Education and Science, 6(31), 4-7.

i. (1982). Psycho-social problems of Turkish working children in West Germany. Journal of Education and Science, 7(37). 21-26.

j. (1984). Atatürk-religion and secularism. Journal of Kemalism, 321-336.

k. (1986). Psycho-social problems of youth in higher education. Journal of National Culture and Youth -Special Issue, 53.

As a result of the article, it is determined that Armaner (i) has been an academician at Ankara University and Ondokuz Mayıs University for 27 years in total; (ii) her scientific studies have a variety of academic products (n=29) such as (a)-thesis (n=3), (b)-book (n=8), (c)-article (n=11), (d)-book chapter (n=1), (e)-paper (n=5), (f)-editorship (n=1); (iii) has given undergraduate and postgraduate courses (n=6) in various contents; (iv) has supervised doctorate theses (n=4); (v) when we look at her scientific studies in general, her special interests (n=6) such as ‘(a) relationship psychology of religion and pedagogy of religion, (b) religious symptoms in psychopathology, (c) methodology in pedagogy of religion, (d) education on personality, (e) religious communication, (f) women's studies; (vi) as Turkey's first psychologists of religion, Armaner’s the contextual position in the history of Turkish psychology of religion is in the first period [1949-1979] that encompassed the process of recognition of the psychology of religion in which the founders of Turkish psychology of religion who trained second generation psychologists of religion; (vii) has made significant subjective analyzes of the field in her answers to interview questions (n=50).

Keywords: Psychology of religion, Biographical study, Psychologist of religion, Neda Armaner, History of Science

License: "The Leading Name in Turkish Psychology of Religion: A Biographical Research on Neda Armaner" by Mustafa KOÇ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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10. İbn Teymiye’nin Vücûh ve Nezâir Tanımının Etkileri ve Sorunları

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 261-291 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.452138 İndir : 20180210.pdf

Yazar : Mustafa KARAGÖZ

Öz

Mevcut bilgimize göre vücûh ve nezâir terimleriyle ilgili ilk tanımı İbnü’l-Cevzî yapmıştır. O, vücûh-nezâiri, “bir kelimeden Kur’an’ın farklı yerlerinde farklı anlamların kastedilmesi” olarak tarif etmiş, ayrıca “vücûhun manaların, nezâirin lafızların adı olduğunu” belirtmiştir. İbn Teymiye, vücûh ve nezâir kitaplarının muhtevasının müşterek lafızlarla sınırlandırılmasına yol açtığı gerekçesiyle, İbnü’l-Cevzî’nin tarifini eleştirmiştir. İbn Teymiye, söz konusu kitapların sadece müşterek lafızlarla ilgili olmadığını, bu kitaplarda müşterek lafızların yanı sıra mütevâtı lafızların da bulunduğunu belirtmiştir. Vücûhun müşterek lafızlarda, nezâirin mütevâtı lafızlarda bulunduğunu söyleyen İbn Teymiye, vücûh ve nezâirin tarifinde müşterek ve mütevâtı terimlerini kullanan ilk kişidir.

İbnü’l-Cevzî’ye yönelttiği eleştiride İbn Teymiye haklı olmakla birlikte, kendi yaptığı tanım da çeşitli sorunlar içermektedir. Bu tarifin en önemli sorunu, vücûh ve nezâir literatürünün muhtevasıyla birebir örtüşmeyen “müşterek” ve “mütevâtı” terimlerini tanıma ithal etmesidir. İbn Teymiye’nin nezâir tarifinde kullandığı “elfâz-ı mütevâtıe”nin, vücûh ve nezâir literatüründe nezâir karşılığında değil, vücûh karşılığında kullanılması İbn Teymiye’nin vücûh ve nezâir anlayışının bir diğer sorunudur. Vücûh ve nezâir kitaplarında yer alan maddelerin, her zaman homojen bir şekilde lafz-ı müşterek ya da lafz-ı mütevâtı kategorisine girmemesi, onun yaptığı tanımın bu kitaplardaki muhteva açısından kapsayıcı olmadığının bir diğer göstergesidir. Bu makalede İbn Teymiye’nin vücûh ve nezâir tarifinin etkileri ve yol açtığı sorunlar üzerinde durulacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Tefsir, vücûh ve nezâir, İbn Teymiye, lafz-ı müşterek, lafz-ı mütevâtı

Lisans: Mustafa KARAGÖZ isimli yazarın "İbn Teymiye’nin Vücûh ve Nezâir Tanımının Etkileri ve Sorunları" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Influence and Problems of Ibn Taymiyya’s Definition of Wujūh And Naẓāir

Abstract

From the past to the present day, there has been so many works on al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāirHowever, there is no unanimous opinion as to the meaning of the term naẓāir. It is worthy to note that, scholars before Ibn Jawzī (d. 597/1201), who wrote about the science of al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāirdid not define these terms. This situation is seen as the principal cause of difference in opinion. Additionally, while criticizing the definition of Ibn Jawzī, scholars like Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and al-Zarkashī (d. 794/1392) came up with their own definitions of naẓāirIt is therefore possible to say that this situation led to the existence of different understanding of the concept. Consequently, in contemporary days, four different perspectives on naẓāir could be found in books, thesis, publications and encyclopedia articles relating to this topic.

One of these definitions, which is actually based on the Ibn Jawzī, defines wujūhand naẓāir as “the same word referring to different meanings in different places in the Qur’an”. In this case, wujūhrefers to meanings (ma‘ānī) while naẓāir refers to words (alfā). So terms of wujūhand naẓāir signify two aspects of the same fact. Scholars such as Ibn Taymiyya, al-Zarkashī and al-Suyūtī (d. 911/1505) criticized this definition because it does not correspond with the contents of existing works on the wujūhand naẓāir.

In another definition, which is referenced to Ibn Taymiyya, “wujūhare wordings that signify different meanings in different passage (al-lafẓ al-mushtarak/homonymous). On the other hand, naāirare the words that are actually same in meaning, but they signify different meanings as a result of the context they are in (al-lafal-mutawāṭı’).

In another definition, wujūhrefers to “a word in the Qur’an that signifies two or more meanings, in this case, naẓāir is when these words are repeated with one of these meanings. This definition is based on the expressions of al-Zarkashī, al-Suyūtī and Tashkoprīzāde (d. 968/1561) who criticized the definition of Ibn Jawzī. And it is necessary to add that, like Ibn Taymiyya, these three scholars have used the term “al-alfâẓal-mushtaraka” in definition of wujūh, and the term “al-alfâẓal-mutawāıa” in definition of naẓāir.

A new definition of wujūhand naẓāir that emerged recently states that wujūhis the same word that conveys different meanings (al-lafẓ al-mushtarak); naẓāir is different word that conveys the same meaning (al-lafẓ al-mutarādif/synonym).

In some works, a number of definitions of naẓāir have been made, without showing preference for any of them, therefore combining three different definitions that will not come together. In such works, naẓāiris described both as the term “al- alfâẓ al’mutawâṭıa” such as defined by Ibn Taymiyya, al-Zarkashī, al-Suyūtī and Tashkoprīzāde as well as synonymously. And even, this definition of Ibn Jawzī is mentioned too: “Wujūhrefers to meanings and naẓāir refers to words.”

Ibn Taymiyya, who criticized the definition of Ibn Jawzī has emphasized that the definition has caused the content of books of al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāirto be limited to polysemic words (al-alfâẓ al-mushtaraka). Whereas these books are not be limited to polysemic words, because according to Ibn Taymiyya they cover mutawāṭı wordings (al-alfâẓ al-mutawāṭıa) also. In this case, Ibn Taymiyya is the first person who used the term of “al-alfâẓ al-mushtaraka” for wujūh, and the term of “al-alfâẓ al-mutawāṭıa” fornaẓāir. Therefore it is safe to assume that al-Zarkashī, al-Suyūtī and Tashkoprīzāde must have been influenced by his definition. And this effect still continues today.

Ibn Taymiyya is seen to be right in his criticism of Ibn Jawzi’s definition. And also it is true that al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāirbooks don’t include only one subject. Moreover, al-alfâẓ al-mutavāṭıawhich corresponds to Ibn Taymiyya’s definition are found in these books. However, despite correctness of his criticism directed towards Ibn Jawzī, Ibn Taymiyya’s definition is not free from certain problems too. The main problem is his bringing in terms such as “mushtarak” and “mutavāṭı”, which don’t overlap the literature of wujūhand naẓāir.It is observed that the terms vejh/wujūhand naẓîr/naẓāir in books of al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāir, do not tally with al-lafẓ al-mushtarakand al-lafẓ al-mutawāṭı’respectively. 

Furthermore, “al-lafẓ al-mutawāṭı’”used by Ibn Taymiyya in his definition of naẓāirdoes not correspond to the term “naẓāir” in this literature, contrarily it corresponds to the term of “wujūh”. The fact that the materials in the books of al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāirdo not always enter in a homogenous way into the category of al-lafẓ al-mushtarakand al-lafẓ al-mutawāṭı’is an important proof that his definition does not reflect the contents of these works. As a result, this definition does not wholly represent the content of the books. So, in this paper, the influence and problems of Ibn Taymiyya’s definition of wujūhand naẓāir will be analyzed.

Keywords: Tafsīr, al-wujūh wa’l-naẓāir, Ibn Taymiyya, al-lafẓ al-mushtarak, al-lafẓ al-mutawāṭı’

License: "The Influence and Problems of Ibn Taymiyya’s Definition of Wujūh And Naẓāir" by Mustafa KARAGÖZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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11. Ebû Bekir Er-Râzî’nin Adâlet Anlayışı

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 293-311 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.448278 İndir : 20180211.pdf

Yazar : Ramazan TURAN

Öz

Bu makâlenin amacı, Ebû Bekir er-Râzî nin adâlet anlayışını genel hatlarıyla incelemek daha özelde ise dağıtıcı ve denkleştirici adâletle ilgili görüşlerini ortaya koymaktır. Râzî, adâleti, hem ahlaki erdem olarak ele almış hem de sosyal yönlerine değinmiştir. Ona göre adâletin kaynağı nefstir. Platon kaynaklı üçlü nefs ayrımını aynen almıştır. Geleneğe uyarak her bir nefs için bir erdem tayin etmiştir, adâlet ise bunların üçünü de içine alan kapsayıcı bir erdemdir. Adâlet, nefsi oluşturan her üç parçanın ifrât ile tefrît arasında gereken ideal dengeyi bulmasıdır. 

Râzî, adâletin sosyal görünüşlerine de vurgu yapar. Dağıtımda mutlak adâlet söz konusu değildir. İnsanlar dağıtıma konu olan mal ve şereften katkılarına göre pay almalıdır. Ona göre insanlar arasındaki farklılıkları göz önünde bulundurmak gerekir. Farkları dikkate almadan insanları yükümlülük konusunda eşit saymak akla ve adâlete uymaz. Ayrıca dağıtımda bireylerin ihtiyaçları da göz önünde bulundurulmalıdır. Râzî, yanlış dini görüşler ve özensiz hazırlanmış kanunların insanları zâlimce bir hayata sevk edeceğine dikkat çeker. Âdil hukuk kurallarının kaynağı akıldır. Toplumda bir suç karşılığı verilecek cezâda, aşırıya kaçmamak gerekir. Ona göre, aklın ve adâletin gereği olarak bir insanın diğerine eziyet etmeye, dahası kendisine, çevresine ve hayvanlara da zarar vermeye, hakkı yoktur.

Râzî’nin adâlet anlayışı Platoncu bir zemine dayanır ve orta yol anlayışı üzerine bina edilir.  Onun adâletle ilişkili görüşleri kendi çağının düşünce yapısını yansıtmakla birlikte, günümüz dağıtım ve dekleştirme sorunlarına da çözüm önerileri de sunmaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslâm Felsefesi, Ebû Bekir er-Râzî, Adâlet, Erdem

Lisans: Ramazan TURAN isimli yazarın "Ebû Bekir Er-Râzî’nin Adâlet Anlayışı" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Abū Bakr Al-Rhazes’s Concept of Justice

Abstract

The aim of this article is to examine the concept of justice of AbūBakr al-Rhazes on the basis of distributive and corrective justice.He regarded justice as a moral virtue and referred to its social aspects.He has no systematic and clear scheme of virtue.However, this issue is examined in accordance with Plato's four main virtue schemes and it is supported by the Aristotelianmiddle way doctrine.Al-Rhazes mentions three kinds of soul: mind, animal and plant.The idea of virtue is based on this triple soul.There is a virtue for each soul.According to him, virtue is to confine oneself to requirement.  He means justice and virtue in the same sense.Accordingly, justice is a comprehensive virtue that includes other virtues.

Al-Rhazes also emphasizes the social aspects of justice. Absolute justice is not implemented in the distribution. People should take their share at the rate of their contributions to the income distributed. According to him, the differences between people need to be considered. Without regard for differences, it is not reasonable and equitable to treat people equally in terms of obligations. Al-Rhazes emphasizes the organic unity of society. But the individual is not a simple instrumentthat serves this unity. He has established a balance between the individual and society. In equitable distribution, the ability, success, and needs of the individual are as valuable, as the structure, integrity and benefits of the society. According to him, it is the fundamental principle that the individual must benefit the whole society. The share in distribution is shaped by common welfare. Being a virtuous person requires the struggle for the benefaction of the people. According to him, if there is enough water for a single person and there are two people, he should drink that water who is the most beneficial to society and that should be rule.

To accumulate property and live a comfortable life is reasonable for people.The reason for accumulating property is to ensure that when needed it.Of course, the spending should be less than the gain, and the spending and saving habit of the person should be in accordance with the environment he is trained and his peers.Accumulating should not be neglected nor should be excessive but, middle way should be kept.If he wants to obtain goods above what is necessary by accumulating property and cannot set a limit on it, then in that case he becomes the slave of the goods.People in this position do not consent to the standard of living, and want to rise as they get higher. Eventually this economic life will be affected negatively, property and wealth will be collected in a certain person or group and the society will be going to disastrous.

How the administration should be distributed? The question was also examined by Al-Rhazes. He primarily emphasizes the natural things that people bring from birthcapacity. According to him, if there is the ability to be a leader, the person is prepared to be leader.Otherwise, this potential would be unnecessary and meaningless, and he has insisted that the nature never do anything unnecessary and meaningless. In contrast, according to him, those who pursue the leadership, despite the fact that their nature does not have this characteristic, are the wretched souls who have left their wisdom behind.

He points out the importance need-oriented approach.The value of one thing is determined by the degree of need, not by comparison with another. Indeed, the conditions those limits we need are relative. This approach is a solution to social justice problems such as fair distribution of resources, equality of opportunity, establishment of a just tax system, monopoly.This is an important step towards solving the problems of disadvantaged groups who do not get enough shares from the social distribution.

Al-Rhazes points out that false religious views and carelessly prepared laws will lead people to cruel life.The source of fair law rules is wisdom.He has given wide authority to the mind on the source of law.In his opinion people who are selected and sent by divine support is the cause of oppression and hostility in society and they prevent fair distribution.

Punishment for a crime should be fair.It draws attention to the fact that a person who authorized to punish must not act emotionally and biased.According to him, it should be the basic principle not to go to extremes in punishment. When the punishment is given, the following point should be considered:excessive resentment against the punishment, extreme modesty, and the bond of love with him.These situations lead to the punishment becoming more or less out of line and justice will be neglected and the soul and body health will endanger.The internal consistency and balance of the person are also reflects in the social order.

Al-Rhazes also refers to the issue of animal rights. According to him, there must be rules and laws about hunting and extreme working of animals. In this, the limit of mind and justice should not be exceeded. Here the need and benefit are essential.

The concept of justice of al-Rhazes has a Platonic ground and is based on middle way. His views on justice reflect not only his own period thoughts but also suggests solutions to distribution and corrective justice problems in our time.

Keywords: Islamic Philosophy, Abū Bakr al-Rhazes, Justice, Virtue

License: "Abū Bakr Al-Rhazes’s Concept of Justice" by Ramazan TURAN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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12. Kur’ân-ı Kerim Tarafından Belirlenen Suç ve Cezalar Bağlamında İslam’ın Suça Bakışı

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 313-350 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.419938 İndir : 20180212.pdf

Yazar : Mehmet KILIÇARSLAN

Öz

Kur’ân, ibâdât, muâmelât ve ahkâma dair hükümleri barındıran kutsal bir kitap olup, bu yönüyle Zebur ve İncil’den ayrılır. Ancak Kur’ân, bunların detaylarına kendi bünyesinde yer vermez. Sadece evrensel ilkeler belirleyip, temelleri atar. Bu temellerin üzerine detayları inşa etme görevini ise öncelikle Hz. Peygamber’e, sonra da onun izinden giden İslam âlimlerine tevdi eder. Hz. Peygamber, anlaşılmayan âyetleri doğrudan açıklama, sahabeye sorular sorarak cevabı kendisi verme, sahabenin sorduğu sorulara cevap verme gibi farklı yöntemlerle bu görevi yerine getirmiştir. İslâm âlimleri de Kur’ân ve sünnetten hareketle, bu iki kaynakta bulunmayan detayları belirleme noktasında gayret sarf etmiş, içtihat ve kıyas ameliyeleri vasıtasıyla sonuca ulaşmış ve ulaşmaktadır.

İslam’ın suç ve ceza kavramlarına yaklaşım tarzını ortaya koymak için hangi eylemleri suç olarak gördüğünü ve onlara ne tür cezalar belirlediğini incelemek gerekir. Ancak İslam hukukunun ceza hukuku bölümünü tamamıyla incelemek, alanın genişliği nedeniyle herkesin yapabileceği bir iş değildir. Oysaki Kur’ân, sadece beş suçu ele almış ve onların cezasını belirlemiştir. Dolayısıyla Kur’ân’dan hareketle böyle bir çalışma yapmak daha kolaydır. Bu çalışmada, sadece Kur’ân tarafından suç olarak görülen ve kendilerine cezalar takdir edilen eylemler ele alınacak, bu eylemlere nasıl yaklaşıldığı detaylarıyla ortaya konacaktır. Tabi bu yapılırken, zorunlu olarak sünnete, içtihat ve kıyas yoluyla yeni sonuçlar elde eden mezheplerin görüşlerine de başvurulacak, cezaların uygulanma ayrıntıları açıklanacaktır. Bu sayede, Kur’ân’ın belirlediği beş suç bağlamında İslam’ın iki temel kaynağının hangi eylemleri, neden dolayı suç olarak kabul ettiği, bunları engellemeye çalışırken önceliklerinin neler olduğu belirlenecektir. Yapılacak çalışma Kur’ân merkezli, sünnet destekli bir çalışma olacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Tefsir, Kur’ân, Suç, Ceza, Kabahat

Lisans: Mehmet KILIÇARSLAN isimli yazarın "Kur’ân-ı Kerim Tarafından Belirlenen Suç ve Cezalar Bağlamında İslam’ın Suça Bakışı" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Perspective of Islam to Crime in the Context of Crimes and Punisments Determined by the Qur'an

Abstract

The Qur'an is a holy book that contains the provisions of worship, treatment and proscription, and from this aspect it is separated from the Psalms and the Bible. However, the Qur'an has not included details of these in its own context, but rather determined and established only universal principles.  As for the task of building details on these bases, it was entrusted to Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and later to Islamic scholars who went through his footsteps. The Prophet fulfilled this task by different methods, such as directly explaining the apprehended verses, questioning the Companions and giving answers himself, or answering the questions raised by the Companions. Islamic scholars have endeavored actively with the Qur'an and the Sunnah, reaching the point of determining the details not found in these two sources, through ijtihad and comparative works.

In order to put forward the approach of Islam to the concepts of crime and punishment, it is necessary to examine what acts are considered criminal and what kind of punishments are determined for them.  However, examining the criminal law section of Islamic law is not a job anyone can do. This work will only deal with actions that are seen as criminal by the Qur'an and are punished for, and will be revealed in details as to how these actions are approached. Of course, this will be referred to the Sunnah necessarily, details of the implementation of the penalties will be revealed in the light of the Sunnah. In this context, according to what a crime and an offense is considered by the Qur’an, actions taken, why something is considered a crime, and what the priorities are when trying to prevent them are to be determined. This work is to be a Sunnah-supported, Quran-centered work.

Islam originated its own legal system just like the fields of debts law, criminal law, family law, interstate relations law, inheritance law, and so on, the rights and obligations of the people are presented in titles. Duties and responsibilities of the individual towards himself, his family, his neighbors and the whole society have been determined, and the sanctions of those who do not fulfill them are explained. In Islamic law books, information about criminal law is under the heading of punishment (ukubat). In order to ensure that there is no room for arbitrary punishment, the same punishment will be given to the same punishment, and all the possibilities are taken into account. Thus, people are assured of their trust in the law, justice is realized by their own initiative and protected without leading to chaos and anarchy in society.

However, it is not said that the punishment of each crime is determined by the Quran. For if the Qur'an itself had been a book explaining the punishment of each crime, the sacred text on hand would reach dozens of volumes. This would have made it extremely difficult for people to read and understand it, as well as to practice its orders and avoid its prohibitions. Nevertheless, it would not be possible to leave crimes free of charge to ensure peace and security in society. The task of filling the void left by the Qur'an has been left to canonists / Islamic lawyers who will first determine new punishments in Sunnah (if possible), then in the light of the Qur'an and Sunnah. The action of the jurists to reach new covenants is divided into two: the independent reasoning (ijtihad) and the analogy (qıyas). The independent reasoning (ijtıhad) means that the jurist (mujtahid) makes every effort to reach a desired subject. First, he investigates whether the related decretal is found in the Qur'an, Sunnah or consensus (ijma’). Then, if not found in any, he examines the relevant case against the provisions in these three sources and makes a comparison with how he found the common reason between them. Therefore, the analogy is about applying an event that has a Nas (a Quranic vers and/or hadith) about to what does not have a Nas about because of the common reason between them.

The last authority on this subject is ‘ulu'l-emr (leaders). That is, some of the crime punishments are determined by the Qur'an and Sunnah, the punishment of some of them has been revealed by canonists (faqih) thanks to analogy. And the remaining part is left to the initiative of the leaders under the name of Tazir. 

Tazir is a discipline and punishment for sins whose punishments hasn’t been determined and the implementer is the leader, or the qadi (judge) and the members of Hisbe (Islamic-ottoman office for public regularity), who are in charge of it. The executives/leaders are entitled to grant this authority to prevent the deeds that religiously are considered a sin but have not been determined by Shari (Law-giver); in order to protect the right of God and His servant in action, and to prevent this ugly action from spreading in society. The admitted punishment must also be of the kind that has a similar origin. The purpose of such penalties is to cure and reform; not to take revenge, torture criminals, violate tranquility and dignity, nor to distract him from religion and society.

Authority, represented by leaders, by looking at the rate of spread of a crime in society can be found at different discretion to make the penalty a deterrent. In this direction, Tazir is detached from Hadd (limit).  Concerning Hads, the guilty penalty is the same and the same punishment is always applied. As for Tazir, punishment may vary according to the person and circumstances. The judge may well give a verbal warning or a very slight punishment for a person committing a crime the first time in his life; however, he can consider a much heavier sanction against someone who comes across the same crime again and again. Afresh, although the field of applying Hads is very limited, the field of Tazir applications is quite extensive. There are various types of punishment, such as body punishment, restricting freedom, financial punishment, and denial and deprivation punishment, addressing every aspect of life.

In this article, the crimes and wrongdoings whose punishments are determined by the Qur'an are determined as the study area. The study suggests that the readers see these crimes and the punishments determined for them collectively together; thus, make in a way that contribute to the understanding of Islam's view of the concepts of crime and punishment, of what the primary goals of the Qur'an are, what methods were applied while organizing social life and solving social problems.

Keywords: Tafsir, Qur’an, Crime, Penal, Sin

License: "The Perspective of Islam to Crime in the Context of Crimes and Punisments Determined by the Qur'an" by Mehmet KILIÇARSLAN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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13. İmâmiye Şîası'nda Merci-i Taklîd Şeçimi: Teorik ve Pratik Açıdan Değerlendirme

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 351-373 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.423606 İndir : 20180213.pdf

Yazar : Halil IŞILAK

Öz

İmâmiyye Şîası’nda İmamın gaybetiyle birlikte intizar nazariyesi çerçevesinde onun otoritesini kimin üstleneceğiyle ilgili ilk dönemlerden itibaren farklı görüşler ortaya çıkmıştır. Dördüncü asırdan itibaren mezhep uleması bu otoritenin müctehidler tarafından üstlenilmesi gerektiğiyle ilgili çeşitli nazariyeler geliştirmişledir. Fakat imamın; cihad, fey dağıtımı, Cuma imamlığı, ahkâmı uygulama, hadleri ikame etme, zekât ve humus gibi görevlerinden hangilerini ve bu görevleri ne dereceye kadar ulemanın üstleneceği meselesi tarihi süreçte temel tartışma noktalarından birisi olmuştur. Gâib imamın otoritesinin ulemaya devrinde, on dokuzuncu asrın ortalarından itibaren fiili olarak ortaya çıkmaya başlayan merci-i taklîd nazariyesiyle birlikte yeni bir aşamaya geçilmiş ve bu devir işlemi artık daha kurumsal bir yapıya doğru evirilmiştir. Bu noktada imamın naibi olarak karşımıza çıkan ulemanın taşıması gereken temel vasıflar konusunda çeşitli kriterler ortaya konulmuştur. Genel olarak ilim, adalet ve takva bir müctehidin merci-i taklîd olabilmesi için taşıması gereken temel vasıflar olarak belirlenmekle birlikte, fiiliyatta bu makama yükselmek için farklı unsurlar da etkili olmuştur. 1979 İran İslam Devrimi ve ulus devletlerin teşekkülü gibi siyasal dönüşümler, müctehidin bulunduğu ülkedeki toplumsal yapı, selefinin tayini, zekât, humus gibi dini gelirler üzerindeki hâkimiyet kabiliyeti, toplumsal ve siyasal dönüşümler karşısında müctehidin konumu, bulunduğu ülkelerdeki yönetimlerin onlara karşı tutumları gibi unsurlar fiiliyatta merce’iyyeti şekillendirmiştir. Makalemizde, teorik ve pratik yönüyle bir müctehidin merci-i taklîd makamına yükselmesindeki temel etkenler tahlil edilecektir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Mezhepleri Tarihi, İmâmiyye Şîası, Gâib İmam, Merci-i Taklîd.

Lisans: Halil IŞILAK isimli yazarın "İmâmiye Şîası'nda Merci-i Taklîd Şeçimi: Teorik ve Pratik Açıdan Değerlendirme" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Selection of Merci-i Taklid in Shia: Theoretical and Practical Evaluation

Abstract

In Imamiyya Shi'a different opinions emerged from the early periods about who will assume authority of imam during the infallibility. From the fourth century onwards, Shi’i ulamahas developed various theories about the need for this authority to be undertaken by the Shi’i jurists. The functions attributed to the İmam: leading the Holy War (jihad), division of the booty (qismat al-fay’), leading the friday prayer (salat al-jum‘a), putting judicial decisions into effect (tanfith al-ahkam), imposing legal penalties (iqamat al-hudud), receiving the religious taxes of zakatand khums. The question of which of these duties and how much of these duties will be undertaken by ‘ulamahas been one of the main points of discussion in the history.

 At the time of the transfer of the authority of the imam to the ‘ulama, a new stage was started with the sense of marja‘ taqlidstarting from the middle of the nineteenth century, and this transfer process turned into a more institutional structure. In the process of institutionalization, the name of the two mujtahidscomes to the forefront. First of them is Sheikh Muhammad Hassan al-Najafi (d. 1849). He is the author of the well-known work named Cevahiru'l-Kelam and because of this work, it is known by the name of Sâhibu'l-Cewahir

Sheikh Hasan, after the death of Kashif al-Ghita (d. 1846), he became a religious leader of all Shi'ites, and established a strong religious authority as thena’ib al-imamtogether with his network of proxy, madrasah organization and financial power. The other leader after Najafi, is Shaykh Murtadha al-Ansari (d. 1281/1864). Since the time he lived, his works named er-Resâiland al-Mekâsibhave become one of the basic educational resources in Shi'i madrasas.

Along with Najafi and Ansari, the institution of the juridical authority was actually formed but the jurisprudence and theoretical framework of this institution has been put forward by Muhammad Kâzım Yazd (d. 1337/1918), also known by the title Sahibu'l-Urwa because of his famous work called Urwetü'l-Vuska. In his work, he claimed that it is obligatory to follow the most learned mujtahidof the time and stated a dead mujtahidcan not be emulated also listed the qualifications that marja’ taqlid should have. According to this, the basic qualities order to be marja’ taqlidare: adulthood (bulogh), sanity (’aql), belief (iman), justice (’adala), freedom (hurriyya), masculinity (rujolah, being man), being alive, being the most knowledgeable mujtahid, purity of birth and taqwa. Although these are identified as the basic qualities in order to be marja’ taqlid, different factors have also been influential in the rise of this level in practice. Another point is that there is no institution to confirm that he has the necessary qualifications and to assign it to this position. Therefore, the ultimate determinant is the lay emulator (muqallid), who will choose the marja’ taqlidand indicate his commitment.

Imamiyya Shia who does not recognize the right of initiative in any way in the election of the imam, but has left this right to lay emulators in the choice of the na’ib al-imam.Leaving this choice to the lay emulators led to the diversity of the marja‘ism, and in the same period it brought with it the presence of more than one marja’ taqlid.

In addition to the above-mentioned qualifications, different elements have been influential in the rise of the mujtahidsto this position. For example, the majority of those occupying this position are Iranians. The Iranians, who have a significant population among the Shi‘is, mostly in the election of the juridical person ,prefer the mujtahids of their own origin. This is an important indication of the fact that the majority of the lay emulators of Mirza Hassan Shirazi’s (d. 1895) was made up of Iranians in the early days his marja‘ism. On the other hand, except for Kashif al-Ghita, Muhsin al-Hakim and Sadr families, Arab mujtahids have not shown a significant presence throughout history of marja‘ism.

Assignment of predecessor is also an important element in the rise of this position. The appointment of Murtadha al-Ansari before the death of Najafî had put him in front of his opponents and the donations under Najafi's control kept him in control.

The attitudes of the governments in the countries where they live are also influential in strengthening their leadership. Marja‘ taqlidsin Iraq have general freedom of activity in the time of the Ottoman Empire. They have gained a wide range of movement within the Ottoman nation system and they have been accepted as leaders of the society and sometimes negotiated as the sage of their own society. After the Ottomans, the administrations tried to neutralize them.

Political transformations have also brought about significant changes in the institutional structure of marja‘ism. Especially after the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution, the state began to shape this institution. The concept of the marja’ has also changed radically. According to the constitution of the Islamic Republic, the Supreme Leader must be not only a mujtahidbut also a marja‘ taqlids. But Sayed Ali Khamenei, before he assumed leadership, was called “Hojjat ol-Islam”, a title that shows one’s middle rank and lack of ijtehad. Therefore he was appointed as Supreme Leader by the Assembly of Experts.

Keywords: History of Islamic Sects, Shia, Hidden Imam, Marja‘ Taqlid

License: "Selection of Merci-i Taklid in Shia: Theoretical and Practical Evaluation" by Halil IŞILAK is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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14. Meryem’e Müjde Sahnesinde Meryem’in Kirmeni, Kırmızı ve Mor Yünü Üzerine Görüşler

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 375-397 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.457615 İndir : 20180214.pdf

Yazar : Hatice DEMİR

Öz

Hıristiyan resim sanatında oldukça önemli bir yere sahip olan Meryem’e Müjde sahnesi hem kanonik hem de apokrif kaynaklı olması bakımından önemlidir. Kanonik İncillerde, sahne ile ilgili olarak ayrıntılı bilgi verilmezken, sahnenin hemen hemen tüm ikonografik elemanları ile ilgili bilgileri, apokrif kaynaklardan elde edilmektedir. Bunlar içerisinde sahne ile ilgili olarak en ayrıntılı bilgiyi II. yüzyılda yazılmış olan Yakobus’un Protoevangelium’u vermektedir. Çalışma konusunu oluşturan Meryem’in kırmızı/mor yünü ve kirmeni de Protoevangelium kaynaklıdır. Müjde sahnesi iki bölümden oluşması bakımından önemlidir. İlk Müjde, kuyu başında gerçekleşirken, ikinci Müjde ise Meryem’in evinde gerçekleşmiştir. Çalışma konusu kapsamında, Meryem’e Evinde Müjde bölümü önemli bir yere sahiptir. Çünkü sahnede Cebrail, Meryem’e İsa’nın doğumunu müjdelemek için geldiğinde, Meryem elindeki kirmeni ile Tapınak için görevlendirildiği kırmızı/mor yünü ile örtü örmek ile meşguldür. Sahnede kırmızı ve mor bir renk olarak birçok ikonografik gönderme içermektedir. İsa’nın eti ve kemiği ile özdeşleşen rengin ikonografik geçmişini etkileyen birçok etken vardır. Hıristiyan resim sanatında, Müjde sahnesi kapsamında, Meryem’in kirmeni ikonografisini etkileyen birçok unsur vardır. Bunlar içerisinde, Mezopotamya ve Yunan pantheonu oldukça önemli bir yere sahiptir. Bu çalışmada, Müjde sahnesinde oldukça önemli bir yere sahip olan mor ve kırmızı rengin ikonografik bir değerlendirilmesi yapılmıştır. İki rengin ikonografik değerlendirilmesi yapılırken, Mezopotamya ve Yunan kültür çevrelerinden çeşitli örneklendirilmelere gidilmiştir. Bu örneklendirmeler arasında Meryem sadece Ana Tanrıçalar ile değil, Havva ile de kıyaslanmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Dinler Tarihi, Müjde, Meryem, Kırmızı, Mor

Lisans: Hatice DEMİR isimli yazarın "Meryem’e Müjde Sahnesinde Meryem’in Kirmeni, Kırmızı ve Mor Yünü Üzerine Görüşler" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Thoughts on Mary’s Spindle, Scarlet and Purple Threads in Annunciation Scene

Abstract

The Annunciation scene which has a very important place in Christian painting both has canonical and apocryphal sources. The canonical gospels such as Luke, Matthew, John and Mark don’t give detailed information about the scene. Contrary to canonical gospels the apocryphal ones have detailed information about the scene. The most important ones are Protoevangelium of James, Nativity of Mary, Arabic Infancy Tales, and Pseudo Matthew. Among these the Protoevangelium of James is the one which gives detailed information about the early life of Mary. The gospel was written in the second century and one of the precious firsthand sources for Christian painting iconography of Mary’s Life scenes. One of these scenes is Annunciation. The Annunciation scene in Protoevangelium of James consisted of two episodes. The first one is called as the Annunciation at the Well and the second one is called as the Annunciation at Mary’s House. The general iconography of the scene is like this; Gabriel appeared to Mary and announced the birth of Christ to her. When Gabriel appeared to Mary, she was busy with spinning the curtain for the Temple. The high priest of the Temple appointed her to spin scarlet and purple threads. The purple and scarlet threads are the most important iconographic elements of the scene. As a color purple and scarlet have a historical and iconographic background. In this study we tried to discuss the roots of these two colors. 

Therefore, the Mesopotamian and Greek Pantheons as a source of these two colors were discusses in this study. For example, red was dedicated to Isthar as a very important goddess of Mesopotamia. She was addressed as the Queen of the Heaven and Reddish Faced Lady.  Both in Mesopotamia and Greece; scarlet and purple were addressed by many people.  For example, in Homeros’ Iliad and Odyssey, these two colors were referred for several times. On the other hand, purple and scarlet were very important both in social, aristocratic life and at religious rituals. For instance, as a color the purple has been a symbol for dynasties. The purple colored garments could only be worn by the members of the high classes and dynasties. Throughout the history of Sassanid-Byzantine and even the Roman emperors were associated with the purple. On the other hand, as a color it could also be associated with the temple and the high priests who were in the service of these temples. This polytheistic tradition continued in Mesopotamia throughout the monotheistic era. For example, the high priests of the Jewish Temple used to wear purple vestments during the temple services. From this, we can understand that purple was a color dedicated to a high degree. Purple also a color of dynasty. In Annunciation scene the purple thread was also a symbol of David dynasty. During his visitation to Mary, Gabriel stressed that the child who was announced to Mary would be the descendant of David in Luke 1:26-38. From this point of view the two words; Canaan and purple have bilateral etymological roots.  For a long time, Canaan was accepted as a Semitic originated word. But after a long study, it was accepted as a Hurrian derived word. In Hurrian language its meaning was red purple dye. As we know, the purple was produced from a sea snail called as murex and Tyrian or Phoenician purple was very famous, and Phoenicians brought this color to Greek lands. Phoinix in Greek also means purple. Greek people gave Phoenicians this name because of their sunburn skin. Purpura in Latin derived from Phoinix, that is to say, the sunburn skinned people of Mesopotamia. 

Purple as a color also symbolizes the omnipotent power of God. And God gave and honored the Canaan people with this power. Our first iconographical proposal for purple was this. Canaan could be a word for omnipotent power of God which was dedicated to Jewish people. And as a descendant of David, Christ also be responsible for this power.  And Mary would be a bridge for this dynasty. Since her body and her womb would be a temple for Christ. A general iconography of the purple color in Annunciation scene was like this; Mary began to spindle the flesh of Christ with her purple thread on her spindle. This Bible referenced iconographical element was also a tradition in   polytheistic epoch. 

The aim of this study was to find the iconographical roots of these two colors; scarlet and purple. As a dynasty color it was accepted as the descendance of David and in Annunciation scene Mary became a bridge for this service. And spindle as a female attribute has a very important influence on this iconography. Eve’s spindle was compared with Mary’s spindle in order to find an answer for this iconography.

Keywords: History of Religions, Annunciation, Mary, Scarlet, Purple

License: "Thoughts on Mary’s Spindle, Scarlet and Purple Threads in Annunciation Scene" by Hatice DEMİR is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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15. Harezm-Kıpçak Döneminde Arapça İle Türkçeyi Buluşturan Sözlükler: ez-Zemahşerî'nin Mukaddimetu’l-Edeb'i Örneği

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 399-428 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.452080 İndir : 20180215.pdf

Yazar : Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ

Öz

Yabancılara Türkçe öğretiminin tarihi çok eskilere dayanır. Türklerin İslam'a girmesi ile birlikte bu iki dili bir araya getiren özgün sözlükler hazırlanmıştır. Büyük ölçüde Arap sözlük hazırlama ekolleri temeline dayanan Türk sözlükçülüğünün kuruluşu asıl olarak Karahanlılar dönemine rastlamaktadır. Kaşgarlı Mahmud, Ebû İbrahim el-Fârâbî’nin Dîvânu’l-Edeb’de uyguladığı kalıp ve uyak ekolünü geliştirerek, ilk Türk sözlükçülüğü ekolünü kurmuştur. Ancak Kaşgarlı’nın başlattığı anlayışın sürdürülememesi, Türk sözlükçülük tarihi açısından büyük eksikliktir. Ondan sonra, bu alanında onun kurduğu ekolden habersiz olarak Harezm ve Kıpçak sahasında Türk ve Arap bilginlerce Türk dilini öğrenmek ve öğretmek amacıyla çeşitli tarzlarda sözlükler oluşturulmuştur. Bunlardan biri de ez-Zemahşerî'nin Mukaddimetul-Edeb’idir.

Sözlüğün müellifi Mahmud b. Ömer el-Harezmî ez-Zemahşerî, 467/1075 yılında bugün Özbekistan topraklarında bulunan Harezm’in Zemahşer kasabasında doğmuştur. Arap asıllı olmamasına rağmen, Arap Dili ve Edebiyatı, Tefsir ve Fıkıh gibi alanlarda önemli eserler veren bir dilci ve kelamcıdır. Arap ve Türk sözlükçülüğü açısından da kendisine çok şey borçlu olduğumuz bir bilgindir. Esâsu'l-Belâgaadlı Arapça lugati hazırlayan müellifArapça öğrenmek isteyen Harzemşahlar Devleti Hükümdarı Atsız b. Muhammed için de Mukaddimetu'l-Edeb’i kaleme almıştır. Bu, onun Türkçe yazılmış tek eseridir. Arapça pratik bir sözlük niteliğinde olan eserinez-Zemahşerî tarafından yazılmış nüshası şu ana kadar bulunamamıştır. Arapça-Farsça-Türkçe yazma nüshaları çoktur ve dünyanın çeşitli kütüphanelerinde bulunmaktadır. Dönemin söz varlığının tespiti açısından adeta bir hazine olan bu pratik sözlük, isimler, fiiller, harfler, isim ve fiil çekimleri olmak üzere beş bölüme ayrılır. Onda Orta Asya Türklerinin hayat teşkilatını ve genel anlamda Türklerin devlet varlığına dair işaretler bulmak mümkündür. Bu bakımdan onun Divânu Lugâti’t-Türk’e nispetle daha orijinal olduğu yorumlarına dahi rastlanmaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Arap Dili ve Belagatı, ez-Zemahşerî, Mukaddimetu'l-Edeb, Harezm Türkçesi, Sözlük bilimi

Lisans: Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ isimli yazarın "Harezm-Kıpçak Döneminde Arapça İle Türkçeyi Buluşturan Sözlükler: ez-Zemahşerî'nin Mukaddimetu’l-Edeb'i Örneği" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Dictionaries Combining Arabic and Turkish in Khwarazm-Kipchak Period: The Example of Al-Zamakhshari's Muqaddimat Al-Adab

Abstract

The history of teaching Turkish to foreigners is based on very old ones. A lot of research, articles and books have been written in this area. With the entry of Turks into Islam, very unique dictionaries have emerged that bring these two languages ​​together.

Of course, Islam is the basis of Turkish-Arabic relations. With the acceptance of Muslims by the Turks, many foreign language vocabulary began to be exchanged between these two languages, mainly religious. The foundation of the Turkish literary body is mainly found in the Karakhanids period. With the acceptance of Islam by the Turks, a new culture circle has been formed for the Turks. The dictionaries created in this framework were prepared on the basis of the Arabic dictionary preparation associations. Mahmud al-Kashgari, taking into account the sound structure of the Turkish language, developed the mold and rhyme school which the Turkish Arabic dictionary writer Abu Ibrâhîm Ishâq b. Ibrahim al-Farabi applied in Dîvânu'l-Edeb and so he established the first Turkish lexicography. However, the fact that the dictionary studies initiated by al-Kashgari are not maintained by later scholars is a great lack in both the history of Turkish lexicography and the determination of the vocabulary of the Turkish language. After Mahmud al-Kashgari, dictionaries were formed in various styles in order to learn and teach the Turkish language by both Turkish and Arab scholars in the field of Khwarazm and Kipchak unaware of the language he established in the field of Turkish lexicography. One of these is al-Zamakhshari's Muqaddimat al-adab.

Khwarazm is a region in the south of Lake Aral where the state called the Khwārezm-Shāh is established in the vicinity of the delta where the Ceyhun (Amuderya) river flows into Aral. The Khwarazm region played an important role as a second literary center near Kashgar before the Mongol era. This region has preserved its own structure in the time of the Altınordu, even the Mongolian influxes have not prevented the development of Islamic Turkish literature there.

The language spoken in Khwarazm in the early days of Islam was the Khwarazm dialect, which in fact was very different from other Iranian dialects, with being Iranian. Turkicization of the Khwarazm which started in the 11th century continued until the 13th century and the establishment of a new writing language in the Khwarazmand its affiliated regions could be realized after the Turkization of this region. Oghuzs and Kipchaks played a very important role especially in the Turkicization of Khwarazm. The elements of Kipchak, which are close to the Oghuzs and Turkmens close to them and the language of Oghuzs again, have been influential in the formation of KhwarazmTurkic. The influence of the Oghuz language and Hakaniye Turkishin the the Seljuks period was also a factor in the formation of literary Turkic people in Khwarazm. These elements, which play a role in the Turkization of the region, have also formed the region's distinctive dialect. This dialect is Khwarazm Turkish, which is connected with the Karakhanidwriting language and formed with a mixture of dialing dials such as Oghuz, Kipchak. This dialect, which developed from KarakhanidTurkish in the 13th century and left its place in Chagatai Turkishin the 15th century, has become an interesting writing language in terms of reflecting dialects of various lengths. The subject of this work, Muqaddimat al-adab, is also rich in Arabic, Persian and Middle Turkic words. Especially important is the fact that the Turkish dialects in Mavera and surrounding areas contain some rare words, which reflects the language of that period.

The writer of the verse Jar Allah Abi al-Qasim Mahmud ibn Umar al- Khwarazmi al-Zamakhshari was born in the town of Zamahsher in Khwarazm, located in the territory of Uzbekistan today, 467/1075. Despite not being Arabian, al-Zamakhshari, also known as Arabic grammariandue to his mastery on the ground, is a linguist and a theologian who gives important works in Arabic Language Grammar and Literature, Tafsir, rhetoric,al-ma'ānī, al-bayān and even Fiqh (Islamic Law)fields. The Arab and Turkish lexicography is also an account that we owe a lot to him. The author, who prepared “Asas al-balaghah”which is a very useful Arabic luqat with a system close to the present dictionary understanding, he also wrote Muqaddimat al-adabfor the ruler of the State of Khwārezm-Shāh who wanted to learn Arabic. This is the only work written in Turkish. The copy of Muqaddimat al-adabwritten by al-Zamakhshari, which is a practical dictionary in Arabic, has not been found so far. Translated versions of Arabic-Persian-Turkish writing are numerous and are found in various libraries around the world.

The dictionary, which consists of Arabic words and short sentences, is almost a treasure in terms of speech. Al-Zamakhshariis probably divided into five parts, which are the works, names, verbs, letters, noun and verb conjugation he wrote several years before his death. The names section constitutes one quarter of the work and the verb section constitutes three quarters. The other sections are a few pages. When the contents of the work are examined, it is possible to find the signs of the life organization of the Central Asian Turks and the state existence of the Turks in general. It is even seen that it is more original than Diwan Lugat at-Turk.

Keywords: Arabic Language and Rhetoric, az-Zamakhsharı, Muqaddimat al-adab, Khwarazm Turkish, lexicography

License: "Dictionaries Combining Arabic and Turkish in Khwarazm-Kipchak Period: The Example of Al-Zamakhshari's Muqaddimat Al-Adab" by Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

16. Yerleşik Bazı Siyer Rivayetlerinin Kur’ân-ı Kerim’e Arzı: İlk Vahiy ve Peygamberlik - Gizlilik

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 429-453 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.410023 İndir : 20180216.pdf

Yazar : Şefaettin SEVERCAN

Öz

İlk siyer kaynaklarında yer alan bazı rivayetler, Kur’ân-ı Kerim ile karşılaştırıldıklarında bir uyumsuzluk ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu durum, mutlaka çözümü gereken problemler üretmektedir. Kur’ân ayetleri ile uyum göstermeyen rivayetlerin güvenilirliği ve bu konuların yer aldığı eserlerin nasıl okunması gerektiği bu problemlerin ilkidir. Bu rivayetler: Ya aynı konudaki farklı rivayetler arasında bir tercihe gidilerek çözüme kavuşturulabilir; ya da zaman, mekân, arka plan, râvi tasarrufları ve ihtiyaç duyulan diğer paydaşlarla birlikte yorumlanabilir. Veya kısmen ya da tamamen dışarıda bırakılabilir. Yahut da hepsi de kullanılarak çözüme gidilebilir. Biz burada bu sonuncuyu uygulamaya çalıştık. 

Hz. Muhammed (s.)’in vahye ilk muhatap olmasıyla birlikte peygamber olduğu bilinci Kur’ân-ı Kerim’in ilk inen ayetlerinin beyanları ile sabittir. Oysa siyer rivayetleri yaygın bir şekilde Hz. Muhammed’in peygamber olduğunu bilmediğini, mecnun olduğunu düşündüğünü naklederler. Hâlbuki Kur’ânî beyanları öne çıkardığımızda Hz. Muhammed (s.) Hira’dan evine Allah’ın kendisini peygamber olarak seçtiği bilinci ile gelmiştir. Hz. Hatice ile aralarında geçen diyalogda ortaya çıkan endişesi ve korkusu, layık görüldüğü peygamberlik lütfunun büyüklüğü ve yüceliği karşısında Rabbine karşı mahcup olma endişesi ve korkusudur. Dolayısıyla peygamber mi olduğu yahut cin çarpmasına mı uğradığını test etmek için girişilen çabaları anlatan rivayetler de doğru olamazlar. Yine aynı şekilde Hz. Muhammed (s.)’in peygamberliğinin ilk üç yılında peygamberliğini ve tebliğini gizlediği ile ilgili rivayetler Kur’ânî beyanlara uymazlar. Burada doğru olan da Peygamberimizin davetinin genel olarak gizli olmadığı, sadece Müslüman oldukları öğrenildiği takdirde müşriklerin zulmüne uğramaları kuvvetle muhtemel olanların, Peygamberimizin isteği üzerine, Müslüman olduklarını ilk üç yıl gizlemiş olduklarıdır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Tarihi, Peygamberlik, Vahiy, Mecnunluk, Gizlilik

Lisans: Şefaettin SEVERCAN isimli yazarın "Yerleşik Bazı Siyer Rivayetlerinin Kur’ân-ı Kerim’e Arzı: İlk Vahiy ve Peygamberlik - Gizlilik" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Comparison of Some Well-Established Narratives in Prophetic Biographies with The Qur’an: First Divine Inspiration and Prophethood – Confidentiality

Abstract

There are some discrepancies between some of the religious narratives included in the first prophetic biographies and Qur’anic verses. This brings about many issues waiting for immediate and absolute solution. The most essential of these issues is the reliability of religious narratives which are in conflict with Qur’anic verses and how to read the works including such subjects. These religious narratives could be figured out either by making a preference among various narratives; or they could be interpreted on the basis of time, space, background, the views of narrators and other shareholders or items deemed necessary. Or they could be partly of fully excluded. Or they could all be used. Here, we tried to do this last option. 

As the first divine inspiration occurred to the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), his prophecy was also consolidated by the statements included in the very first Qur’anic verses. However, it was commonplace for prophetic biographies to report that prophet Mohammad (pbuh) didn’t know that he was the prophet and he thought he was a lunatic. On the contrary, once we foreground the Qur’anic statements, it becomes certain that Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) returned home from the Hira hill (the place of first divine inspiration) with a consciousness that he was chosen as prophet by Allah. All his concern and dismay in his dialogue with his wife Hatice originated from his fear or concern to become embarrassed to his God in return for the greatness and dignity of his blessing he was conferred upon. Therefore, the narratives reporting the efforts to testify whether he was a real prophet, or the genies did a curse on him were not well grounded. Likewise, the narratives stating that Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) didn’t manifest his prophethood and religious declarations on the very first three years do not correspond with Qur’anic statements. Here, the correct idea is that, our Prophet’s summons was not clandestine in general, while it was also advised by our Prophet (pbuh) that those who were most likely to be tortured or persecuted by the unbelievers once their muslimhood was noticed could hide their belief in Islam for the first three years.

In contrast to whatever asserted in some religious narratives, the Qur’an deprecated and opposed by threatening the rumors that the Prophet was a lunatic, which are aimed at breaking his power. He summoned Him to stand up to any predicaments he faced without exaggerating them; to depend on Allah and to take refuge in Him; to sustain his honor in his words and behaviors.

“Your fried has neither fallen into a bad way nor deceived. Nor he is talking out of his own desires: This is nothing [the information he delivers], but what is inspired to him, which is the one taught to him by a very mighty One.” 

With these Qur’anic verses, Allah announced that the Prophet (pbuh) is under the divine protection against negative impacts whether it is from the inside or outside, or from the genies, devils, or from other things. According to these verses, those who think that the Prophet was sick, lunatic, poet and oracle were not the Prophet himself and his first believers, but the non-believers in Mecca.

Divine inspiration and prophet hood require and express certainty by their nature, field of appointment and objectives and they can never go together with hesitation and doubt. During the inspiration sessions, the Prophet quits anything that could be expected of him in terms of communication thus leaving himself to the flow of divine inspiration. The divine inspiration takes him to wherever necessary and does not demand anything else from the Propthet for this. It is such that the divine inspiration almost takes the Prophet as a slave during the location of inspiration to his heart. At this state, the perception and even understanding actions take place under the control of divine will. According to Fîruzabâdî, who defines the Divine Inspiration as the “an instantly occurring communication as a result of God’s articulation to His counterpart’s soul”, another characteristic of divine inspiration is that the person who is receiving it cannot have the power to object.

When we carefully read by the first Qur’anic verses and observe the initial practices, we see that the Prophet started his invitation in a powerful and open way. The Prophet (pbuh) never tried to conceal that he is the prophet and his invitation. Likewise, the majority of first believers didn’t ever try to conceal that they were Muslims. However, those who were most likely to be treated badly by the non-believers upon learning they became Muslims, hid their conditions for the first three years upon the order from the Prophet. Therefore, the three years clandestine period was not applicable to the Prophet (pbuh) and Powerful Muslims, but for those moved to and settled in Mecca later like the Yâsir family, for those without protection who had no security contract with one of the local tribes and for the slaves like Bilal, who were certain to have torture by their owners upon learning their Muslimhood. This is a natural precaution taken by the Prophet to protect them and it provided positive support to divine invitation.

Keywords: History of Islam, Prophetic biography, Divine inspiration, Secrecy, Religious narratives

License: "Comparison of Some Well-Established Narratives in Prophetic Biographies with The Qur’an: First Divine Inspiration and Prophethood – Confidentiality" by Şefaettin SEVERCAN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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17. Tasavvufta Gül Sembolü ve Gül İle İlgili Telakkinin Oluşmasında Uydurma Hadislerin Rolü

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 455-498 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.411013 İndir : 20180217.pdf

Yazar : Sabri ÇAP

Öz

Uydurma hadislerle ilgili literatürde gülün Hz. Peygamber’in terinden yaratıldığı, onun kokusunu koklamayı arzu edenlerin gül koklaması gerektiği ve gül kokladığında Resûlullah’a salavât getirmeyenlerin ona eziyet etmiş olacaklarına dair bazı rivayetler mevcuttur. Gülün yaratılışı veya gül ile Hz. Peygamber arasında herhangi bir şekilde münasebet kuran bütün rivayetler muhaddisler tarafından uydurma kabul edilmesine rağmen sonraki devirlerde bilhassa edebî ve tasavvufî eserlerde geniş bir şekilde yer alabilmiştir. Erken dönem tasavvuf literatüründe yer almamakla birlikte sonraki dönemlere ait bir kısım tasavvufî kaynaklarda gülün Resûl-i Ekrem’in terinden yaratıldığı belirtilmiş, bu husus çoğu zaman kaynak zikredilmeksizin söz konusu rivayetlerle de desteklenmeye çalışılmıştır. Mutasavvıflar tarafından kaleme alınan bir kısım edebî eserlerde ve tasavvufî değerlendirmelerde gül Hz. Peygamber’in sembolü olarak kullanılmış veya Resûlullah güle benzetilmiştir. Gül ile ilgili rivayetleri esas alarak bazı mutasavvıflar müstakil risâleler de yazmışlardır. Muhaddisler tarafından gül hakkındaki bütün rivayetler uydurma kabul edilmesine rağmen tasavvufî düşüncede bu rivayetlerin sahih olduğunu ileri süren az sayıda şahıslara da rastlanmaktadır. Bazı tarikatların ise en önemli sembolleri farklı özelliklerdeki güldür. Tasavvuftaki gül algısı genellikle konu hakkındaki uydurma rivayetlere dayandırılmaktadır. İyi niyetle hadis uydurmakla itham edilen bazı mutasavvıfların gül hakkında hiçbir hadis uydurmamış olmalarına rağmen mutasavvıfların dilinde ve tasavvufî eserlerde Hz. Peygamber’le gül arasında münasebetten söz eden düşüncenin nasıl oluştuğu ve ilk hangi kaynaklarda bu ilişkiden söz edildiği hususu önemlidir. Bu makalede tasavvufî eserlerde gül hakkındaki rivayetlerin durumu ve tasavvufî düşüncede yer alan gül ile ilgili sembolik değerlendirmelerin uydurma rivayetlerle münasebeti ele alınmaya çalışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Hadis, Gül, Tasavvuf, Uydurma hadis

Lisans: Sabri ÇAP isimli yazarın "Tasavvufta Gül Sembolü ve Gül İle İlgili Telakkinin Oluşmasında Uydurma Hadislerin Rolü" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Rose Symbol in Islamic Mysticism and the Role of the Forged Hadiths in Formation of Understanding About Rose

Abstract

Despite the warnings of the Prophet (p.b.u.h), especially the enemies of Islam and some adherents of political-ideological madhhabs and some people who want to encourage people to religion have fabricated some hadiths. Some of these narratives that have been made up for different purposes have already lost their meaning, and some of them have gained new meanings over time, and the effects of faked hadiths can have been seen in daily religious/social life. The narrations that the rose is created by the Prophet's sweat, those who desire to smell his fragrance should smell roses, and the one about those who do not recite salawat to the Prophet when they smell rose are afflicting the prophet, are examples of this kind of faked hadiths.

Despite the fact that the creation of rose or all the narratives that established the relation between the Prophet and rose are accepted as fictitious without any controversy among the muhaddiths/hadith scholars, they were widely accepted in later era works, especially by literary and mystical works. Although not included in the early Sufi literature, it has been stated that some of the Sufi sources of later periods mentioned that rose was created by the Prophet's sweat, and this issue was often tried to be supported by narrations without mentioning the source.

In mystical works and Sufi Orders (tariqāt), the spiritual realm is described with selected symbols from the material world, and the abstract concepts are expressed in terms of the concrete and meaning which were attributed things. Everything that exists is regarded as only the manifestation of the attributes of Jalal and Jamāl subjects of Allah, and every material is viewed beyond the appearance, with an esoteric view. One of the assets that have many meanings in Sufism and sects is the rose. In some literary works and sufisticative evaluations taken by the Sufis, the rose has been used as a symbol of the Prophet or likened to the Messenger of Allah.

In spite of the fact that the Sufis who are accused of fabricating hadith in good intention have not invented a hadith about the rose, they are in the language of the Sufis and in the mystical works, It is important to note how the thinking about the relationship between the Prophet and the rose occurred and in which of the first sources this relation is mentioned. In early era Sufi sources, fabricated narrations such as, the rose was created with the sweat of the Prophet, have not been transmitted as the Prophet has been created from the sweat or one should say the salawat when smelled rose. In the works of Classical era Sufis, it is not common that Sufism not explained using symbols on Sufi sources. It is seen that the connection with the rose and the Prophet is after the formation of the symbolic language, and this is created by the effect of literature. Fictional narrations about rose have been transmitted to Sufi works through the effect of literary works, not through hadith sources. Many Sufis have written treaties various types of Turkish-Islamic literature. Some literary genres are almost only copyrighted by Sufis. On the other hand, mystic works and literary works are so intertwined that sometimes they cannot be assigned to mysticism or literature alone. The determination of time when the rose first entered into mystic literature requires a more detailed investigation.

We should say that the mention of the rose in mystic sources is primarily due to the symbolic meaning, not because of the related hadith narrations. Not only has the rose, many other objects, had a different meaning than it has.  The most important reason for the connection with the Prophet and the rose is the symbolic value it has. Rose is the de-facto symbol of love and affection in all cultures. As a result, rose has many other symbolic meanings in addition to love, beauty and affection.  There are other symbolic meanings of rose as well as the being a symbol of the Prophet. In Sufism, it is not possible to say that the only reason for symbolizing rose as the Prophet is the faked narrations about the rose. However, it is also a fact that these narrations are expressed with the purpose of mentioning that the rose represents the Messenger of Allah in the following eras. Fabricated narrations about rose, reinforced this idea, expanded it and created new imaginations.

In addition to many symbolic meanings, Sufism used the rose to describe the most loved one. As a result of this, to express the love of the Prophet, rose is likened Prophet or The Prophet is likened to the rose. Due to its various features, rose is used the most to express the prophet, The Prophet is defined by many other literary symbols such as life, precious, loved, beloved, sultan, guide, sun, moon, rain, doctor, cure. Rose is not used as the only symbol of the Prophet, but also used as an object with many other symbolic meanings.

In the Orders, there are some other symbolic equivalents in of the meaning of rose in the general sense of mysticism. The rose is used in many symbolically different meanings in the sects Kādiriyye, Rifâiyya, Halwatiyya, Nakshibandiyya, Bayramiyya, and in the costumes of the members of these sects. Also, in Sufism, growing of the fresh rose especially in the middle of winter, are seen as an element of miracles.

It is seen that the fabricated narrations about the rose in Sufi and literary sources are interpreted, and in the following eras, some of the additions have been made and new words have been created on this subject. In some works, there is information which is not invented in the sources of the period of narration, but which has been reconstructed and transformed into custom narratives. Some of these originate from false interpretations that have been modified or added to the text during translations of Arabic texts. Some narrations were interpreted according to the basic views of Sufism and Turkish translations were made according these views. In the absence of mawduat literature, these are some of the expressions such as the Prophet's love of rose and rose smell, his companions likened of the Prophet's smell to rose, not just the rose, but all the flowers were created from the sweat of the Messenger of Allah.

Independent treaties were also written by some Sufis based on the narrations about the rose. Especially Ismail Hakki Bursawī and Darvish Ibrahim al-Ashrafī have included in their works the narrations they have received about rose, and they have made quite extensive comments on these narrations. Although all the narrations about the rose are accepted as by the Muhaddith as fictitious, there are also a few persons in Sufistic thought who claim that these narrations are accurate.

Keywords: Hadith, Rose, Sufism, Forged Hadith

License: "Rose Symbol in Islamic Mysticism and the Role of the Forged Hadiths in Formation of Understanding About Rose" by Sabri ÇAP is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

18. The Religious and Philosophical Creativity of Suleiman Bakyrgani

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 499-525 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.412770 İndir : 20180218.pdf

Yazar : Alyona BALTABAYEVA

Öz

Suleimen Bakyrgani is one of the highly regarded by Muslims in Central Asia and beyond, the Sufi sheikh and the mystic poet of the 12th century. He was an apprentice and successor of the famous Central Asian Sufi sheikh Khoja Ahmed Yassawi.

Suleimen Bakyrgani ascribed to such compositions as: Collection of prayers and instructions and two poems about “Bibi Maryam” and “Akhyr zaman”. In his works, Hakim Ata examines the fundamentals of the Islamic world view, ways to achieve a mystical communication with God, raises ethical and moral issues. In the presentation of his thoughts Suleimen Bakyrgani was very simple and used mainly folk Turkic poetic forms. He enjoyed great popularity among the people that the legends eclipsed the facts, and on this day, we know little about his life, which requires close scientific study.

Suleimen Bakyrgani and his philosophical views occupy a special place in the philosophical system of the entire Turkic world. The main theme of Hikmets and works of Suleimen Bakyrgani is permeated with love of God. And this true love of God is immeasurably higher than an allegorical or changeable love for this world and man. Therefore, the Sufi asserts that love is an almighty companion, bestowed by God.

This paper deals with the deep research of Suleyman Bakyrgani’s religious and philosophical creativity. His love, sung in the sayings by Suleimen Bakyrgani, has a great means leading to enlightenment and spiritual perfection. This was not important only in literature: eschatological pictures are one of the strongest means of moral education, especially effective in those times when Bakirgani lived and worked.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Philosophy of Religions, Suleimen Bakyrgani, Hakim Ata, Akhmed Yassawi, Sufism, Turkic World

Lisans: Alyona BALTABAYEVA isimli yazarın "The Religious and Philosophical Creativity of Suleiman Bakyrgani" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Süleyman Bakırgani’nin Dini ve Felsefi Yaratıcılığı

Abstract

Süleyman Bakırgani, Orta Asya’da Müslümanlar, Sufi şeyhleri ve 12. Yüzyıl mistik şairleri tarafından çok saygı gösterilen isimlerden birisi ve ünlü Orta Asya Sufi Şeyhi Hoca Ahmed Yesevi’nin öğrencisidir.

Düşüncelerinin sunumunda Süleyman Bakırgani, çok basit ve yalın bir dil ile ağırlıklı olarak Türk halk şiirlerini kullanmıştır. Efsanelerin gerçekleri gözlediğini halk arasında biyik beğeni topladı ve bu günlerde onun hakkında çok az bilgi bilinmektedir.

Süleyman Bakırgani ve onun felsefi görüşleri tüm Türk dünyasının felsefi sisteminde özel bir yer almaktadır. Süleyman Bakırgani’nin hikmetlerinin ve eserlerinin ana teması, kul ile Allah arasındaki sevgidir. Allah’a olan bu gerçek sevgi, dünya ve insan için alegorik veya değişken bir aşktan ölçülemez derecede yüksektir. Bu nedenle Sufi, sevginin Tanrı tarafından bahşedilmiş yüce bir refakatçi olduğunu ileri sürmektedir.

Bu yazıda Süleyman Bakırgani’nin dini ve felsefi yaratıcılığı ele alınmaktadır. Süleymen Bakırgani’nin sözlerinde yer alan sevgi, aydınlanmaya ve ruhsal mükemmelliğe götüren büyük bir yola sahiptir.

Eskatolojik resimler, özellikle Bakırgani’nin yaşadığı ve çalıştığı dönemlerde etkili olan en güçlü ahlaki eğitim araçlarından biridir. 12. Yüzyılda yaşamış olan Süleyman Bakırgani, Orta Asya başta olmak üzere Müslüman ülkelerin diğer bölgelerinde de çok saygın bir mistik şair, mutasavvıf ve Sufi şeyhlerinden biridir.

Türk Sufizminde önemli figürlerden biri olarak Süleyman Bakırgani, hocası Ahmed Yesevi’den sonra haklı olarak yüksek bir mevkiye sahiptir. Bakyrgani’nin dünya görüşü, öğretmeninin tasavvufi tasavvurlarına tam olarak uygun bir biçimde gelişmiştir.  Bununla birlikte düşünce yapısında Kuran’a dayanan ahlaki ve eğitici bir doğa ile hadisler önemli bir yer tutmaktadır.

Süleyman Bakırgani’nin günümüze kadar ulaşan iki önemli eseri bulunmaktadır. Bunlardan birincisi “Bibi Meryam” mesnevisi ikincisi de “Ahir Zaman” (“Ahiret”) eseridir. Söz edilen eserlerde büyük edip Hakim Ata İslam dünyası görüşlerini, değer ve temellerini, Allah ile mistik bir iletişim kurmanın yollarını, etik ve ahlaki konuları ortaya koymaktadır. Düşüncelerinin sunumunda Süleyman Bakırgani çok basit ve daha çok halk Türkü şiir biçimlerini kullanmıştır. Halk tarafından çok sevilen Süleyman Bakırgani ile ilgili gerçekler çeşitli efsaneler tarafından gölgelenmiş olduğu için onun hayatı ile tarihsel etkilerinin araştırılması özel bir önem taşımaktadır.

Süleyman Bakırgani ve onun  felsefi görüşleri tüm Türk dünyasının felsefi sisteminde özel bir yer almaktadır. Özellikle vurgulanması gereken nokta, Bakırgani’nin kaleminden çıkan eserler ve ortaya koyduğu hikmetlerin Allah’a olan sevgiyle bağlantılı olmasıdır. Süleyman Bakırgani’nin eserlerinde dile getirilen sevgi, aydınlanma ve manevi mükemmelliğe yol açan önemli bir araçtır.

Süleyman Bakırgani’nin eserlerine atıfta bulunan: “Bibi Maryam”, “Akhyr zaman” ve bazı şiirsel talimatlar ve dualar günümüzde çok ilgili olan ahlak konularına değinmekte ve belki de bugün öncesine göre daha da önem kazanmaktadır.

“Bibi Maryam” çalışmasında yer alan Meryem Ana imgesi hakkındaki görüşleri, Hıristiyan ve Müslüman halkların dini ve sanatsal edebiyatında merkezi yerlerden birini işgal etmektedir. Oldukça yalın bir dille kaleme alınan çalışmaya Süleyman Bakırgani, küçük bir giriş ile başlamakta ve Meryem’in oğlu İsa’nın mucizevi doğumunu anlatmakta ve niteliklerini listelemektedir.

“Yüce olanın gücünü göz önünde bulundurarak, bu hikayeyi yazdım ve onu saklamak imkansız. Bunu bana hediye etti. Meryem’in oğlu olan bu İsa, özel bir köleydi. Tanrı onu yüceltti, ona İncil’i (İncil) verdi. Azizlerin soyundan gelenler ve peygamberlerin başı olarak, Rab onun iyiliğini gösterdi ve O’na cennette bir yer verdi. İsa, bu dünyaya teslim olmayan, zenginliğin kalbine tutunmayan ve insanlar arasında yaşamayan elçiydi. Bu dünyayı terk ettim ve başka bir dünyayla tanışmaya hazırlandım; Rabbime itaat etti ve geceyi uyumaksızın geçirdim. Annesi Meryem’di ve babası hiçbir şekilde O’nunla birlikte değildi. O, rüzgarın (yani ruhun) doğduğu peygamberlerin efendisidir” (Matveev, 1895, s.20).

Görüldüğü gibi Bakırgani’nin metni hem İncil ile hem de Kur’an ile semantik benzerliğe sahiptir, fakat bazı farklılıklar mevcuttur.

Bu bölüm, İsa’nın kör ve topalları iyileştirmek, ölüleri kendi nefesiyle canlandırmak için olağanüstü yeteneklerinin sıralanması ile sona ermektedir.

Süleyman Bakırgani’nin, İslam, Hıristiyanlık ve kısmen Yahudilik dinlerinde ortak olan imge ve konulara defalarca dönüştüğünü belirtmek önemlidir. Üç inancın değişmez bileşenleri için bu arzu, Tasavvuf düşünürünün yaratıcılık etik ve hümanist odağı açısından karakteristik gibi görünmektedir.

Süleyman Bakırgani’nin eserleri, İslami fikirlere uygun, parlak, sanatsal olarak özgün imgelerinin yaratılmasıyla değerli sayılır. Bu, sadece edebî öneme sahip değildi: Eskatolojik resimler, özellikle Bakirgani’nin yaşadığı ve çalıştığı dönemlerde etkili olan en güçlü ahlaki eğitim araçlarından biridir

Keywords: Din Felsefesi, Bakırgani, Felsefe, Hakim Ata, Yesevi, Tasavvuf

License: "Süleyman Bakırgani’nin Dini ve Felsefi Yaratıcılığı" by Alyona BALTABAYEVA is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

19. Ortaçağ Türk-İslâm Devletlerinde Kalpazanlık Faaliyetleri

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 527-554 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.454770 İndir : 20180219.pdf

Yazar : Arslan DURDU

Öz

Türkler tarih boyunca bulundukları coğrafyalarda birçok devlet kurmuşlardır. Bu devlet kurma geleneği İslâm dinini kabul ettikten sonra da devam etmiştir. Kurdukları devletler ve tarihte oynadıkları rollerden dolayı adlarından sıkça bahsedilen Ortaçağ Türk-İslâm devletlerinde çeşitli suçlar görülmektedir. Bu suçlardan bir tanesi olan kalpazanlık en eski çağlardan itibaren toplumlarda var olmuştur. Günümüzde olduğu gibi Ortaçağ’da kolay yoldan zengin olmak isteyenler sahte para basıyorlardı. Kalpazanlar, Türk-İslâm coğrafyasının birçok bölgesinde faaliyette idiler. Genelde kalpazanlık faaliyetleri devletlerin çeşitli bölgelerinde görülmekle birlikte özellikle darphanelerin bulunduğu yerlerde daha fazla olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Toplumun çeşitli kesimlerden insanların veya meslek gruplarının bu tür olaylara dâhil oldukları bilinmektedir Özellikle devletlerin zayıf oldukları dönemlerde görülmekle birlikte devletlerin en güçlü oldukları dönemlerde dahi kalpazanlar sahte para basmışlardır. Devletlerin para politikalarını değiştirdikleri, piyasaya farklı türde para sürme gibi işlemler uyguladıkları dönemler kalpazanların işine yaramıştır. Kalpazanlar piyasaya sürdükleri kalp paralar neticesinde, devletlerin bünyesinde siyasal, sosyal, ekonomik nitelikli sonuçlara neden olmuşlardır. Suçun olduğu her yerde mutlaka bunun bir cezası olduğu gibi devletler de kalpazanlık faaliyetlerinde bulunanlara birtakım cezalar vermişlerdir. Sahte para basımını çok eski tarihlere kadar götürmek ve daha geniş coğrafyaya yaymak mümkündür. Fakat bu daha kapsamlı bir çalışma gerektirmektedir. Bu çalışmada devrin kaynaklarında yer alan kalpazanlık suçunun, Ortaçağ Türk-İslâm devletlerindeki çeşitli örnekleri, ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel yapı üzerindeki etkileri incelenecektir

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Tarihi, Kalpazanlık, Kalp Para, Türk-İslam Devletleri, Selçuklular

Lisans: Arslan DURDU isimli yazarın "Ortaçağ Türk-İslâm Devletlerinde Kalpazanlık Faaliyetleri" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Counterfeiting Activities in the Medieval Turkish-Islamic States

Abstract

Throughout history, the Turks have established many states in their geographies. This tradition of state-building continued even after accepting Islamic religion. Various crimes are seen in the medieval Turk-Islamic states, which are often mentioned because of the roles played in history the states that they have established. Counterfeiting, one of these crimes, is exist in society from the earliest times. As it is today, those who want to be rich in the easy way in the Middle Ages were minting counterfeit money. The counterfeiters were active in many regions of Turc-Islamic geography. In general, counterfeiting activities are seen in various regions of the states, but they has been determine to be more especially in places where mints exist. It is known that people from various sections of the society or various occupational groups are involved in such events. Especially during periods when the states are weak, counterfeiters have print counterfeit money even during periods when the states are the strongest. The periods when states changed their monetary policies, and when they different kinds of money into the market, served the counterfeiters. Counterfeiters have resulted in political, social, and economic consequences within the structure of the states, as a result of the counterfeit that they put onto the market. The states have given some punishments to those who are involved in counterfeiting activities, as it is absolutely a punishment everywhere it is crime. It is possible to take counterfeit money printing up to ancient times and spread it to a wider geographical area. In this study, the various examples of counterfeit crime in sources of period, medieval Turk-Islamic states and their effects on economic, social and cultural structure will be examined.

Money is important both in material and spiritual terms for the medieval Turk-Islamic states. In material terms, it is one of the most important elements of trade. In spiritual terms, coinage is the symbol of independence and dominance that makes the sovereign ruler. As it is today, those who want to be rich in the short-term in the medieval Turk-Islamic states are print counterfeit money and sign up for counterfeiting.

The purpose of this paper, medieval Turk-Islamic states and their effects on economic, social and cultural structure will be examined. Counterfeiters have used a variety of methods in mint counterfeit money. One of these methods; is strike a low amount of money, that is, to keep less silver than is needed. Another method is to mix the silver mine into the gold coins. Other than these methods, there is also a counterfeiting method, which is usually used by moneylenders. They trash the precious metal in the money by trimming the edges of the money. In the medieval Turk-Islamic world, the money changing fulfills the functions that a bank will perform. They are the most active occupational groups involved in counterfeiting activities because they are dealing with money and every time because of their profession. The chemical analyzes of the coin dies of the medieval Turk-Islamic states can obtain information us about the counterfeiting events, the realities of the money, the falsity and the mines they contain. States have given various punishments to those dealing with counterfeiting. The examples of punishment belong generally to the history of Islam. There are various examples of counterfeiting activities during the time of Abbasids and Umayyads. States have lay up old money from time to time. Instead, he work to remove the function of the counterfeit money in the market by driving new money into the market. Counterfeiting activities reflect on the works of medieval scholars, scientists in various forms. States sometimes lay down as a condition the use of only one kind of money in economic and commercial transactions.

As a result, It is difficult to identify counterfeiting events as long as they can not be mentioned in the sources. From the examples we have found, there are different reasons for counterfeiting events mentioned in sources, different reasons for counterfeit money and counterfeiting money. Counterfeiting has caused the rise of prices in the market and the emergence of social and political power. Great Seljuks, Karahans, Turkey Seljuk, Ayyubid dynasty, Mongols and were given information about various counterfeit events in medieval Turk-Islamic state. Among those dealing with counterfeiting, there are various groups such as state officials, moneylenders, educated people with mysticism and madrasah. Counterfeit money that the counterfeiters have pushed into the market have directly caused the damage to the state treasury. Increased prices in the market caused social and political turmoil.

Keywords: Islamic History, Counterfeiting, Counterfeit Money, Turkish-Islamic States, Seljuks

License: "Counterfeiting Activities in the Medieval Turkish-Islamic States" by Arslan DURDU is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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20. İbnü'l-Cezerî'nin Kırâatlerin Mütevâtirliği Meselesine Bakışı

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 555-586 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.458437 İndir : 20180220.pdf

Yazar : Ömer ÖZBEK

Öz

Belli şartları haiz kıraat farklılıklarının bizzat Kur’an’dan oldukları ya da en azından nitelik itibariyle Kur’an’a en yakın lafzi hususiyetlere sahip oldukları genel olarak kabul gören bir tespittir. Kıraatlerin mütevâtirliği öteden beri tartışılmış, bu konuda farklı görüşler ileri sürülmüştür. Bu görüşlerin değeri, hiç şüphesiz ki bu görüşleri ileri sürenlerin alanının ihtisas sahibi olup olmadıklarının, o alanda otorite olup olmadıklarının tespitiyle değer kazanacaktır. Bu çalışma ile alanında otoriterliği ittifakla kabul gören İbnü’l-Cezerî’nin, kırâat alanının önemli meselelerinden biri olan kırâatlerin mütevâtirliği meselesine bakışı tespit edilerek kıraatlerin mütevâtirliği konusundaki şüphelerin izalesi ve kapalı olan noktaların aydınlatılması amaçlanmaktadır.

Konu erken dönemde usul âlimleri tarafından Kur'an’ın mütevâtirliği bağlamında ele alınmıştır. Kırâat ilminde ise genel olarak Kur'an ve yedi kırâat mütevâtir kabul edilmektedir. İbnü’l-Cezerî yedi kırâatin tevâtüre konu oluşunun ön kabulü olan şartları taşıdığı için diğer üç kırâatin (İmam Cafer, Yakub ve Halefü’l-‘Âşir kırâatlerinin) de mütevâtir olduğu görüşündedir. Yine ona göre mütevâtir kırâatler bu on kırâatle de sınırlanamaz. Bir kırâatin sahih kabul edilmesi için gerekli şartları taşıyan tüm kırâatler sahihtir ve sahih olanda da her zaman tevâtür şartı aranmaz.

Mütevâtirlik meselesenin nirengi noktası, “Kıraatlerin, Hz. Peygamber’e (sav) nispetleri itibariyle mi, yoksa kıraat imamlarına nispetleri itibariyle mi mütevâtir” olduklarıdır. İbnü'l-Cezerî, bu konuda mütevâtir kıraatleri belirlemek için ilk defa “Kitâbü’s-Seb’a” eserini yazan İbn Mücahid’den öncesinin tartışmalı ve karanlık olduğundan bahisle, kırâatleri imamlarından gelişi itibariyle mütevâtir kabul etmektedir

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kırâat, İbnü’l-Cezerî, mütevâtirlik, tevâtür, mütevâtir kırâat

Lisans: Ömer ÖZBEK isimli yazarın "İbnü'l-Cezerî'nin Kırâatlerin Mütevâtirliği Meselesine Bakışı" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Thoughts of Ibn Al-Jazari on the Issue of Mutawatirness of Qiraats

Abstract

Considering the issue of mutawatirness (trustworthiness) of the qiraats, it is important that the subject be examined from the point of view. It is discussed in terms of the value of rivayat to the question of the qiraats which usul scholars and hadith scholars talk about, and all of them are generally discussed in this respect as mutawatir or not. This situation is a problem in angle of the qiraats. Because the qiraats can be evaluated from this direction, but only from the imams of qiraats. Until the Prophet (pbuh), it is unlikely to investigate whether each of the individual qiraats is mutawatir. Who has studied these qiraats before its imam? Whoever read this person has followed it and who has taken the qiraats and spread them? Again, the qiraats that have been propagated by them have been preserved by them, and they have received the imams of their own. It is here that it is closed and dark.

In the first period, the scholars of usul (method) regarded the mutawatirness as being related to the Qur'an, not to mention the qiraats, but to the mutawatirness of the Qur'an. In this context, especially the method scholars who came into contact over the definitions of the Qur'an stated that Mushaf, which is located between the two covers, was mutawatir, and in the matter, they did not look at the mutawatirness of the qiraats. According to them it is not the qiraats are mutawatir but the only the Qur’an is mutawatir.

Ibn al-Jazari is one of the undisputed authorities of the field of the Qiraat, as Qiraat is the closest to the Qur'an and is an important science in this field. The view of such an important personality is undoubtedly of a separate importance. The purpose of this study is not to reveal the place of Ibn al-Jazari in the science of Qiraat; it is only to identify and evaluate his view on the matter of mutawatirness (trustworthiness) of the Qiraats, which are important ones of the field of the Qiraat.

The issue of mutawatirness was discussed in the early period by the scholars of the Usul in the context of mutawatirness of the qiraats. The Qur'an and the seven qiraats are generally regarded as mutawatir in the science of the qiraats. Ibn al-Jazari believes that the three other qiraats (Imam Jaafar, Yakub and Halef al-Asher’s Qiraats), which carries the mutawatirness of qiraats to him because that the the seven qiraats carrie the pre-admission requirements of mutawatirness of qiraats. Again, according to him, the mutawatir qiraats can not be limited with these ten qiraats. Fits into the line Osmanî, reaching the St. Prophet (pbuh) with a trustworthy attribute and compatible with the basic bases of the Arabic grammar which all the qiraats are saheeh and the saheehs in which are not always sought the mutawatirness also.

İbnü'l- Jazari's idea turned to the idea that the qiraats were altogether mutawatir and then turned from this idea. In his own words, he accepted the opinion of majority scholors from the successor and predecessor. This view is that not the qiraats are mutawatir from the time of St. Prophet (pbuh); from the Imam of the qiraats. Because there is no dispute about the mutawatirness of the seven qiraats.

Ibn al-Jazari is admit the qiraats as regard to coming from his imams and speak of the area  that before the Ibn Mujahid is being with controversy and dark. The following questions that Ibn al-Jazari wants from Abu Nasr al-Subki are important: "What do front-bencher scholars say about the ten qiraats being read today? Are they mutawatir or not? Are all the waceehes of the ten qiraats that stays only mutawatir or not? What is necessary for anyone who denies of that qiraat or that a waceeh of that qiraat, if it is mutawatir? One subject to be discussed in this article will be how Ibn al-Jazeera evaluates Subkî's answers.

According to Ibn al-Jazari, the shaz qiraats are non-sahih qiraats. It is an indication that he perceives the expressions of "I distinguish between the shaz and the sahih from each other" as the opposite of the shaz from the sahih. In this case, although others consider which the qiraats nunmutawatir and ahad (the one) were as a shaz, it can be explained as the fact that his call only those which are not the shas as sahih, in the qiraats, he hass brought to the mutawatirness much of the sahihness (accuracy or correctness). The fact that Ibn al-Jazari does not speak for the shas is not the nunmutewatir qiraat but it is nunsahih, is the result of his not being the sahih as the mutewatir and the incomparable. Because Ibn al-Jazari did not consider this qiraat which is not mutawater as a shaz, in the case that it comes from the way of ahad and carries sahihs’s conditions

Keywords: Qiraat, Ibnu'l-Jazari, mutawâtir, tawâtur, mutawâtir qiraat

License: "The Thoughts of Ibn Al-Jazari on the Issue of Mutawatirness of Qiraats" by Ömer ÖZBEK is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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21. Dindarlık İle Ego Sağlamlığı ve Empati Arasındaki İlişkilerin İncelenmesi

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 587-607 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.439858 İndir : 20180221.pdf

Yazar : Sezai KORKMAZ

Öz

Dindarlık değişkeni insanın hayatında birçok açıdan etkisini göstermektedir. Yapılan çeşitli araştırmalarda dindarlık değişkeninin farklı değişkenlerle etkileşimi ele alınmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise dindarlık, ego sağlamlığı ve empati ile ilişkilendirilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı cinsiyet ve eğitime göre dindarlığı incelemek ve ego sağlamlığı, empatik ilgi ve dindarlık arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmaktır. Bu değişkenler arasındaki ilişkiyi ölçebilmek adına 702 kişiye anket uygulanmıştır. Çalışmanın katılımcıları, tesadüfi örnekleme yöntemi ile seçilmiştir. Anketler internet ortamında yapılmıştır. Verileri toplamak için Block ve Kremen tarafından geliştirilen Ego Sağlamlık Ölçeği (1996), Davis tarafından geliştirilen Kişilerarası Tepkisellik Ölçeğinin, Empatik İlgi boyutu (1980) ve Zwingmann ve diğerleri tarafından geliştirilen Müncher Motivasyonel Dindarlık Envanteri (2004) kullanılmıştır. Araştırmada model olarak değişkenler arasındaki ilişkiyi ele alan tarama modellerinden olan ilişkisel tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Çalışmada metot olarak dokümantasyon ve tarama (survey) yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Çalışma verilerinin analizi SPSS-18 programı kullanılarak yapılmıştır. Ayrıca aracı değişken etkisinin analizini yapmak için Hayes’in (2013) SPSS için geliştirdiği Process Makro eklentisi kullanılmıştır.  Process Makro’da, aracı değişken bootstrap model 4 analizi esas alınmıştır. Çalışmanın t-test bulgularında cinsiyete göre dindarlık analizinde gruplar arasında anlamlı derecede farklılıklar görülmemektedir. ANOVA testi bulgularına göre ise eğitim düzeyine göre dindarlık konusunda gruplar arasında anlamlı derecede farklılıklar tespit edilememiştir. Korelasyon ilişkilerine bakıldığında dindarlık ile ego sağlamlığı ve empati arasında anlamlı düzeyde pozitif yönde ilişki bulunmaktadır. Regresyon ilişkisine göre dindarlık hem ego sağlamlık değişkenini hem de empati değişkenini yordamaktadır. Aracı değişken etkisine bakıldığında, ego sağlamlık değişkeni aracı değişken olarak dindarlık ile empati arasındaki ilişkiye etki etmektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Din Psikolojisi, Dindarlık, Ego Sağlamlığı, Empati

Lisans: Sezai KORKMAZ isimli yazarın "Dindarlık İle Ego Sağlamlığı ve Empati Arasındaki İlişkilerin İncelenmesi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Investigation of the Relationship Between Religiosity, Ego Resilience and Empathy

Abstract

The variable of religiosity has been influencing many aspects of human life. In various studies, religiosity variables are associated with different variables. The variables of this research are religiosity, ego resilience and empathy. For this reason, In this study examines the relationship among religiosity, ego stability or resilience and empathy. Human beings coincidence many positive and negative events throughout their lives. People can be happy and sad in lifespan when they are coping with these events. In both cases, there are some psychological processes that need to be taken under control (Nazlı Batan & Ayten, 2015). It is revealed in various studies that psychological processes in which a person uses coping with positive or negative events are also influenced by religiousness (Ghoshal & Mehrotra, 2017; Göcen, 2013; Karim Mithaa, 2016; Nazlı Batan & Ayten, 2015; Özcan, 2016; PEW, 2014; Uysal, Kaya Göktepe, Karagöz, & İlerisoy, 2017).

As mentioned earlier, there are three variables in the study. These variables are religiosity, ego stability or resilience and empathy (empathic interest). Religiosity is evaluated according to criteria of Muncher motivational religiosity. In this respect, the concept of religiosity which the first variable of study is defined as the a form of personal development of a one's positive religious thoughts, experiences and behaviors (Uysal, Turan, & Işık, 2014). Religiosity which depending on motivational piety includes moral self-control, providing cooperation in important life events, indirect monitoring of important life events, self-respect, gratitude and apprentice, prosocial behaviors and ideological knowledge (Uysal vd., 2014; Zwingmann vd., 2010).

The second variable of this research is ego resilience. There are concepts in various names in ego resilience. These various labels are psychological resilience, resilience, psychological stability, strength or psychological strength and so forth. The concept of “ego-resiliency is relevant to the dynamic capacity of an personel to alter a characteristic standart of ego-control, as a function of the demand characteristics of the environmental context, so as to protect or improve system balance” (Block & Kremen, 1996:351). Otherwise, ego resilience is defined as the capability of a person to overcome adverse situations and events by using the ability to adapt and cope with (Block & Kremen, 1996, Kararmak & Sivish-Cetinkaya, 2011). The last variable of this research is empathy. Empathy is the ability to think and feel about another person inner life) (Kohut, 1971, Wilson & Thomas, 2004). Also empathy is indirect observation of the person. It is to be able to observe the events cognitively and emotionally from someone else's point of view (Blackstone, 2007; Kohut, 1977).

The main questions of the study are;

  1. Are there differences between the groups on religiosity by gender and level of education?
  2. Are there positive or negative correlations between religiosity, ego resilience and empathy?
  3. Is the religiosity a significant predictor of ego resilience (regression relations) ?
  4. Is the religiosity a significant predictor of empathy?
  5. Is ego resilience a mediator variable of the relationship between religiosity and empathy?

Method

Survey method and documentation were used in this research. The survey is conducted on the internet by social media, e-mail and other internet communication tools. The study was conducted with 702 participants between 16-60 years old. In the study, Personal Information Form, Muncher Motivational Religiosity Scale, Ego-Resiliency Scale and Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) were utilized. Personal Information Form was arranged by researcher. Muncher Motivational Religiosity Scale was developed in 2004 by Zwingmann et al. Ego-Resiliency Scale was developed by Block and Kremen in 1996. Empathy Scale was developed by Davis in 1980. Descriptive analysis, T-test, ANOVA, Pearson correlation, regression analysis and Process Macro for SPSS to determine mediator variable from IBM SPSS 18 were used in the analysis of data.

Findings and Results

According to the independent t-test and ANOVA difference tests, there is no significant relationship between groups of gender and level of education in term of religiosity. When the correlation is examined, it is determined that there is a statistically significant relationship between religiosity and ego resilience in the positive direction (r(702)=,145;p<,001).  The correlation between religiosity and empathy are also the same aspect (r(702)=,250;p<,001). 

When examining the regression analysis, religiosity is a significant predictor of ego resilience (F(1,700)= 15,007; p<,001; β= ,145; ΔR2=,020). Additionally, the variable of religiosity is also a statistically significant predictor of empathy (F(1,700)= 46,525; p<,001;β= ,250; ΔR2=,060). The variable of ego resilience a significant mediator variable of the relationship between religiosity and empathy (Effect=,0494; BootSE=,0186; BootLLCI=,0174; BootULCI=,0892; p=,000).

Keywords: Psychology of religion, Religiosity, Ego resilience, Empathy

License: "Investigation of the Relationship Between Religiosity, Ego Resilience and Empathy" by Sezai KORKMAZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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22. Yakın Dönem Bir Nakşî-Hâlidî Şeyhi Portresi: Kaşıkçı Ali Rıza Efendi (1883-1969)

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 609-648 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.450284 İndir : 20180222.pdf

Yazar : Ali ÇOBAN

Öz

Bu makalenin konusunu bir Nakşî-Hâlidî şeyhi olan Kaşıkçı Ali Rıza Efendi (1883-1969) oluşturmaktadır. Osmanlı’nın son dönemi Hâdim ve Konya medreselerinde eğitim görmüştür. 1920 sonrasında ise Tasavvuf yoluna intisap etmiştir. Sayıca fazla olmasa da eserler vermiş olan Ali Rıza Efendi bunları, “terk-i diyâr” diye ifade ettiği Medîne’ye göç etmesinden sonraki ikāmeti esnâsında yazmıştır. Müellefâtı ağırlıklı olarak manzûmdur. Mensûr eserlerinin içerisinde de çok sayıda şiir yer alır.

Ali Rıza Efendi’nin hayatındaki dönüm noktalarından birisi Menemen hadisesidir. Kaşıkçı’nın şeyhi Erbilli Esad Efendi’nin merkezinde yer aldığı iddia edilen hadise, tüm memleket sathındaki Nakşîleri etkilediği gibi Kaşıkçı’yı da etkilemiştir. Bu olay sonucunda hapse atılmış ve memleketi terk etmek zorunda kalmıştır.

Kaşıkçı, Batılılaşma yönündeki Türk Modernleşmesi’ne tepkilidir. Frenkleşme, Frengistan’ı taklit şeklinde adlandırdığı batılılaşmayı; dînî terminoloji ile “âdât-ı küffâr” ve “bid‘at” diye ifade ederek muhalefetini dile getirmiştir. Bunun temelinde ise dönüşümlerin şeriata aykırı olduğu düşüncesi vardır. Nakşîliğin şeriat konusundaki hassasiyeti burada temâyüz etmiştir. 

Ali Rıza Efendi, tanığı olduğu değişimler hakkında olumsuz kanâatinin sonucu olarak yaşadığı zaman dilimine dâir yaklaşımı da son derece olumsuzdur. Onun kötümser yaklaşımı sadece Anadolu hakkında değil özelde İslam Dünyası genelde ise dünyanın tamamına dâirdir. Kıyâmeti beklediğini gösteren ifadeler eserlerinde yer alır. Zira ona göre nizâm-ı âlem bozulmuştur.

Kaşıkçı’nın Batılılaşma muhâlefetinin arka planında, bunların şeriata aykırı olduğu düşüncesi ile insanın yaratılış gâyesine dâir farklı bakışı yatmaktadır. İnsanın yaratılış gâyesini “mârifet-i ilâhiye” olarak tespit edip önündeki en büyük engeli de “dünya sevgisi” olarak tayin edince doğal olarak sekülerizm ve lâiklik şeklindeki dünyevîleşme çabaları kendisi için bir muhâlefet sahası olarak ortaya çıkmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Tasavvuf, Kaşıkçı Ali Rıza Efendi, Nakşibendî-Hâlidîlik, Batılılaşma/Frenkleşme

Lisans: Ali ÇOBAN isimli yazarın "Yakın Dönem Bir Nakşî-Hâlidî Şeyhi Portresi: Kaşıkçı Ali Rıza Efendi (1883-1969)" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

A Portrait of Naqshi-Khālidi Sheikh in Recent Period: Khashoggi Ali Riza Effendi (1883-1969)

Abstract

The subject of this article is a religious scholar (ālim) and Naqshī-Khālidī sheikh Kasikci Ali Riza Effendi who lived in recent period. In this study, after giving a short information about the Naqshibandī history generally and its history in the Ottoman era we presented the life of Khashoggi Ali Riza Effendi, his works and his views about the westernization policies, timeserving complains and the aim of humankind creation.

Ali Riza Effendi was born in Khādim (a southern province in Konia/Konya) in 1883 and died in Madīna in 1969. Khashoggi lived during the period of collapse of Ottoman Empire and establishment of a new Turkish State. He witnessed that everything was chancing quickly in social and political life. And so he was affected from these changes negatively and frequently criticised them.

Ali Riza Effendi started his education in his province Khādim and continued nearly two years there. After that he gived up Khâdim and continued his education in Konia up to the World War I. Perhaps he got madrasa ijāzah/diploma in Konya from the Yalvācī Omar Effendi. After that nearly 1920s he contacted with the prominent Naqshī sheikh Erbilī Asad Effendi and became his caliph/khalifa in Konia. This liaison is one of the milestones in the life of Ali Riza Effendi because of the Manaman Incident. Allegedly Erbilī Asad Effendi who is the Khashoggi’s sheikh was located in the center of the incident. New Turkish State didn’t see that as a local event. The Office of the Public Prosecutor in Ankara, sent telegrams demanding to be investigated religious orders. Because for the young Turkish State, Naqshibandiyya’s continuing presence was a big threat to its authority. Thus, this incident as it affected all of the Naqshbandīs countrywide as well as impressed Khashoggi. As a result of this event he jailed and had to abandon hometown (tark al-diyār).

He numerically wrote books even if not much. His books were written after his hijrah (according to his speech terk-i diyār and hijrah) from Konia to the Madīna. These works are predominantly in poetical content. His works that are prose contents too has a lot of poetic couplets. Among them are seen a work on Islamic creed (probably it is the first work of the writer). In addition to this, three of his works them are collected poems (dewans). When he writed up his works didn’t aim art themed elements on the contrary aimed didactical items. The most conspicuous character in all of his works is to be written in didactical mode.

Ali Riza Effendi reacted to the Turkish modernization policies. He entitled to the westernization of Turkey, as a apery of western-style. Because he entitled westernization of Turkey as a habits of heretics and innovation (bid‘ah) he opposes to this process. The idea at the base of his opposition is the revolutions are contradict with the Islamic Law (Sharīa). In this point the Naqshibandī sensibility on Sharīa is appeared. It is known two basic principle of Naqshbandīs are Sharīa and to affiliate with social activities. So, his opposition arised from Sharīa nicety.

On the other hand, Khashoggi complains from the time slice that he lived and he didn't find favourable. This idea was derived from his opposition on the revolutions. His pesimist ideas not only about Anatolia but also especially Islamic World and generally all the World. Besides that he had some sentences that imply in his works, doomsday (Qiyāmah) was approached. So the world order (nizām al-ālam) was addled. From this deterioration pundits (ulama) and the mystics (sūfīs) and the folk was influenced. Thus he complains from these groups.

In Ali Riza Effendi’s background of contrariety is the idea of these were at odds with the Shariah and the aim of creation. According to him, creation goal is “knowlegde the God” (marifah al-ilāhiyya). The supreme curve to reach this is the love of the world (hubb al-dunyā). So efforts toward worldliness in the form of secularization and laisizm showed up for him as a opposition era.

As a result, Khashoggi is a local Naqshī-Khālī sheikh who was studied in classical educational institutions (madrasa and khānigah). It is seen that as a traditional scholar and sheikh he relied on his traditional inheritance in face of the western civilisation. And he stated that the solution must be searced ion our road of ancestors.

Keywords: Sūfism, Khashoggi Ali Riza Effendi, Naqshbandiyya-Khālidiyya, Westernization

License: "A Portrait of Naqshi-Khālidi Sheikh in Recent Period: Khashoggi Ali Riza Effendi (1883-1969)" by Ali ÇOBAN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

23. Tanrı ve Özgürlük: Gazâlî ve Thomas Aquınas Ekseninde Bir İnceleme

Yıl : 201802 Sayı : 36 Sayfa : 649-652 Doi : 10.28949/bilimname.439624 İndir : 20180223.pdf

Yazar : Muhammed Zâhid ÇAM

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Lisans: Muhammed Zâhid ÇAM isimli yazarın "Tanrı ve Özgürlük: Gazâlî ve Thomas Aquınas Ekseninde Bir İnceleme" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Özcan AKDAĞ

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Keywords: -

License: "Özcan AKDAĞ" by Muhammed Zâhid ÇAM is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

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Görüntülenme : 656
  • Edİtör : Salih YALIN
  • Editör Y. : Osman BAYDER
  • Mizanpaj : Abdullah TANRIVERDİ
  • Tanıtım : Temel YEŞİLYURT
  • Tarİh : 31.10.2018
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