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1. Hanefilerin Amelî Farz Kavramına Dair

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 7-29 İndir : 20170201.pdf

Yazar : Osman BAYDER

Öz

Hanefi usulcülerin, şer’î hükümlerden biri olan farzın, içerisinde şüphe bulunmayan kat’î delil ile sabit olmuş olmasını gerekli görmeleri ve farzın inkarının küfrü gerektirdiğini söylemeleri beraberinde bazı tartışmaları gündeme getirmiştir. Zira Hanefi fürû eserler incelendiğinde kat’î delil ile sabit olmayan bazı fiillerin de farz olarak isimlendirildiği görülmektedir. Söz gelimi namazdaki son oturuş, abdestte başın dörtte birinin meshi gibi hususlar kat’î delil ile sabit olmadığı halde Hanefiler tarafından farz olarak isimlendirilmiştir. Sonraki Hanefi fakihler bu problemi çözme adına i’tikâdî ve amelî (içtihâdî ve zannî olarak da isimlendirilmektedir) olmak üzere farzın iki türünün olduğunu ve inkârı küfrü gerektirmeyen söz konusu farzların i’tikâdî değil amelî farz türünden olduğunu belirtmişlerdir.

Bu makalenin amacı, Hanefi eserlerde yer yer geçen amelî farzın mahiyetini anlamaya çalışmaktır. Bu minvalde kaynaklarda geçen amelî farz örnekleri ele alınıp incelenecek ve böylece amelî farzın ne anlama geldiği, amelî farz ile i’tikâdî farz ve vâcib arasındaki farkın ne olduğu, amelî farzın vâcibin bir türü olup olmadığı, hangi delil ile amelî farzın sabit olacağı ve Hanefilerin neden böyle bir kavrama ihtiyaç duydukları gibi birbiriyle bağlantılı konular açıklığa kavuşturulmaya çalışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Amelî farz, zannî/içtihadi farz, vâcib, kat’î delil-zannî delil

Lisans: Osman BAYDER isimli yazarın "Hanefilerin Amelî Farz Kavramına Dair" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

An Evaluation About The Concepts of ' Al-Fard Al-Amali' in Hanafi Thought

Abstract

According to Hanafits, the fard (obligation) is proved by solid evidence (al-dalil al-kat’i) that does not include any doubt. Therefore, to deny a judgment which is fard makes a person disbeliever. So, because of praying (al-salah), fasting, pilgrimage and al-zakah are proved by solid evidence, there is no problem in calling them as fard. However, when the writings of füru-i fiqh (the branch of fiqh) are examined, it could be seen that some of the subjects which are not proved by the solid evidence and which are disputed between the ummah are also evaluated as fard by the Hanafits. For example, although the last sitting in the prayer (al-ka’da al-aherah), and to wipe one of the four pieces of head (mashu rub’i al-ra’s) are not proved by solid evidence, they are evaluated by the Hanafits as fard.

In the following period, some Hanafits have divided the fard into two parts to solve this problem. The first is proved by solid evidence and to deny it makes the person disbeliever. The second is to deny it does not make the person disbeliever. The first is called as an al-fard al-i’tikadî whereas the latter is named as al-fard al-amalî. The latter is also known as al-fard al-ijtihadî and al-fard al-zannî.

However, considering the definition of fard in the usul al-fiqh, it is a problem that the al-fard al-amalî is called fard. Because according to the definition in the usul al-fiqh, to deny the fard requires a lack of faith. Perhaps because of this, some of the subsequent Hanafite scholars have regarded al-fard al-amalî a kind of wâcib. Because the wâcib is proved by an uncertain evidence (al-dalil al-zanni), denying it does not make a person disbeliever. In this respect, there is no problem in placing the concept of al-fard al-amalî within the scope of the wâcib concept. According to this point, there are two types of wâcib: the first is obligatory to do it and if it is not fillfulled, relevant worship becomes invalid (bâtıl). The other is that if it is absence the worship is valid but is deficient.

In this case, however, a problem has appeared: Although both are proved by the uncertain evidence, why does it make worship invalid when one of these is absent, or why does it make valid the worship when the other is absent?  For this, we first need to briefly talk about the Hanafit's understanding of the concept of fard: According to Hanafits, for something to be fard, it is necessary that whole community of Muslims has agreed on it’s being fard. So, some subjects proved by al-habar al-wahid (information of one person) or al-habar al-mashhur (information that became famous) were also seen as al-fard al-i’tikadî by Hanafits, because they have been agreed on by whole community of Muslims.

When these examples are examined, it is seen that there is no disagreement among ummah about whether these actions are fard or not. For example, though the second prostrating (al-sacdah) in the prayer is proved by al-habar al-wahid, Hanafits have seen it as fard/rükun. Further, although the message of “Pligrimage is Arafat” has been generally accepted as mashhur, all of the Hanafits have seen the staying at Arafat (wakfah) as fard. Because there is no disagreement on that these actions are fard, agreement (icma) has arisen on these subjects. So, uncertain evidences about these subjects have become certain by ijma (agreement).

Hanafits have accepted the actions which are proved by solid evidence or reasoning (istidlal) for them as obligatory actions whose fulfillment is necessary. But if it is disagreed upon whether these actions are fard or not, then Hanafits have kept away from calling this action as al-fard al-i’tikadi. For example, because al-Imam Mâlik has accepted last sitting in prayer as sunnah, Hanafits accepted it as al-fard al-amalî, not fard. For this reason, even if such an action had been taken as fard in Hanafit sources, subsequents Hanafits had clearly stated that this action is al-fard al-amalî.

For Hanafits, the difference between al-fard al-amalî and ordinary wâcib such as reading al-Fatiha in prayer is that abandonment of al-fard al-amalî prevents validity of prayer. The reason of this is that it is certain and its fulfillment is seen as absolutely necessary according to mujtahid’s estimation.

Therefore, if an action’s evident, though there is a disagreement on it, got power according to mujtahid’s estimation and come near the degree of certain evident and for this reason mujtahid sees its fulfillment as necessary and thinks that in the absence of this action worship is invalid, then this action is called as al-fard al-amalî. In this respect, it is possible to define al-fard al-amalî in this way: It is an action that the fulfillment is seen as necessary and whose abandonment is prohibited by a certain evident or reasoning according to mujtahid’s estimation and in whose absence the worship is not valid but whose denying it doesn’t entail disbelief.”

Accordingly, Hanafits regard the concept of fard as “Islamic circle.” So, for them worships such as prayer, fasting, zakah and pilgrimage which are accepted by all muslims and take place in al-darurât al-diniyyeh (religious necessities) are fard. In this respect, it is possible to accept that al-fard al-amalî has been categorized between al-fard al-i’tikadi and wâcib by subsequent Hanafits to prevent the accusation of disbelief. It seems more proper to take al-fard al-amalî as an intermediate concept and distinct category. Because its definition and judgement is different from fard, it is not proper to call it as fard. It is not proper also to call it as wâcib, because almost in all works of furu, wâcib is used in the sense of “an action which in the case of its abandonment the prayer is valid.”

Keywords: al-fard al-amali, al-fard al-ijtihadi, wâcib, Hanafi, solid evidence

License: "An Evaluation About The Concepts of ' Al-Fard Al-Amali' in Hanafi Thought" by Osman BAYDER is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

2. Uzak Bir Mananın Ayetlerdeki Vakf Yerine Etkisi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 31 İndir : 20170202.pdf

Yazar : Mustafa KARAGÖZ

Öz

Ülkemizdeki mushaflarda ayetlerdeki durak yerleri (vakf) konusunda Secâvendî’nin sisteminin benimsendiği bilinmektedir. Bununla birlikte bazı yerlerde onun tercih ve sisteminin hilafına uygulamalar göze çarpmaktadır. Ayrıca Secâvendî’nin tercihlerinin her zaman ayetin doğruya en yakın manasını yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, üzerinde durulması gereken bir diğer husustur. Nitekim Secâvendî’nin İlelü’l-Vukûf adlı eserinde A‘râf sûresinin 188. ayetindeki “الْخَيْر” lafzının sonunda vakf yerinin olmasını tercih ettiği anlaşılmaktadır. Oysa bizim tespitlerimize göre, vakf ve ibtidâ alanında Secâvendî’den önce eser telif eden müellifler burada herhangi bir durak belirtmemişlerdir. Yine müfessirlerin büyük çoğunluğu da ayetteki “الْخَيْر” kelimesinde durak olması durumunda oluşan manaya tefsirlerinde hiç yer vermemişlerdir. “الْخَيْر” kelimesinde durak olması sonucu oluşan manaya yer veren müfessirlerin bir kısmı ise söz konusu mananın ayetin nazmını bozduğu yönünde kanaat belirtmişlerdir. Kimi müfessirler de hem durak olmasına hem de olmamasına göre ortaya çıkan her iki manayı zikretmiş, fakat herhangi bir tercihte bulunmamıştır. Durak yeri olmasına göre teşekkül eden manayı önceleyen müfessirlerin ise yok denecek kadar az olduğu görülmektedir. Bu makalede A‘râf sûresinin 188. ayetindeki “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” ifadesinin sonunda vakf yeri bulunup bulunmamasına göre oluşan manalar ortaya konulacak ve bunlardan hangisinin tercihe şayan olduğunun tespitine çalışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Vakf, İbtidâ, Secâvend, A‘râf 7/188, Mana

Lisans: Mustafa KARAGÖZ isimli yazarın "Uzak Bir Mananın Ayetlerdeki Vakf Yerine Etkisi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Effect of a Distant Meaning on the Situation of Waqf in Ayath

Abstract

One of the important activities for the correct recitation, writing and understanding of the Qur'an is the studies of situations of waqf (secāwends) in the verses. The most commonly used naming for the works written in this area is “al-waqf wa’l-ibtidā”. Stopping at the place where the meaning is completed is a requirement of both a proper recitation (tarteel) of the Qur`an and the clarification of the meaning.

Since the first period, ijma (consensus or agreement of the muslim scholars basically on religious issues) has been realized on the necessity of learning the situations of waqf in the verses. It is possible to explain this ijma with knowing the situations of waqf in the verses is being from the elements that complement the meaning. In that case, science of al-waqf wa’l-ibtidā, and therefore the situations of waqf (secāwends) in the verses, is utmost important in terms of correct reading, understanding and interpretation (tafseer) of the Qur`an.

The importance given to stopping at appropriate places while reading the Qur'an goes to the period of the Prophet (pbuh) and companions. It is even assumed that the situations of waqf are largely based on the practices in the period of the Prophet (pbuh) and the companions. As for the writing of the works in this area, the identification of the terms and symbols related to waqf and ibtidā were later completed.

Scholars who wrote books or gave an view about this subject, -especially where it is needed- explained whether there were the situation of waqf or not, or if there is the situation of waqf, what kind of it is. As a result, the written original works reached to the present day and a certain application has been ongoing. However, even if it is exceptional, in mushafs in our country today it is a case of making markings according to what is in the secondary situation, rather than according to the prevailing view concerning the situations of waqf. This situation also influences the meaning of the verses in which the situations of waqf (secāwends) are.

In the mushafs in our country, it is known that the system of Secāwendī was adopted in terms of the situations of waqf in the verses. However, in some places, practices against Secāwendī`s preference and system are also leaping to the eye. In addition, whether Secāvendī`s preferences always reflects the nearest meaning of the verse or not is another issue on which to focus. As a matter of fact, it is understood that Secāwendī in his the work Ilelü'l-Vukūf, prefered that should be a situation of waqf at the end of the utterance “الْخَيْر” in the verse “قُلْ لاَۤ أَمْلِكُ لِنَفْسِي نَفْعًا وَلاَ ضَرًّا إِلاَّ مَا شَاۤءَ اللَّهُ وَلَوْ كُنتُ أَعْلَمُ الْغَيْبَ لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ وَمَا مَسَّنِي السُّوءُ إِنْ أَنَا إِلاَّ نَذِيرٌ وَبَشِيرٌ لِقَوْمٍ يُؤْمِنُونَ” (7. al-A‘rāf 188).

In the direction of Secāvendī`s preference, there is also the symbol “ج” at the end of the expression “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” in the 188th verse of surah al-A‘rāf in the printed mushafs in our country, and, at the end of the expression “وَمَا مَسَّنِي السُّوء”, there is no sign of any waqf. However, there is no symbol at the end of the phrase “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” in the mushafs as Emirī Mushaf, Medīna Mushaf, Qatar Mushaf which were generally known with the name of the region or countries in which are published. But contrary, at the end of the expression “وَمَا مَسَّنِي السُّوء” there is the symbol “ج” indicating the permissible waqf (al-waqf al-cāiz).

According to the remarks of writers of the waqf and ibtidā, and commentators, if the waqf is done at the end of the phrase “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ”, then the ayath expresses a sense in the following way: Say: I posses no power over benefit or harm to myself except as Allah wills. If I had the knowledge of the Ghaib/Unseen, I should have secured for myself an abundance of wealth. No insanity have touched me; I am but a warner, and a bringer of glad tidings to a people who believe. If the waqf is done at the end of the expression “وَمَا مَسَّنِي السُّوء”, then the meaning of this verse is as follows: Say: I posses no power over benefit or harm to myself except as Allah wills. If I had the knowledge of the Ghaib/Unseen, I should have secured for myself an abundance of wealth, and no evil (adversity) should have touched me. I am but a warner, and a bringer of glad tidings to a people who believe.

According to our findings, the authors who wrote the books before Secāwendī in the field of waqf and ibtidā did not mention any situation of waqf in the word “الْخَيْر”. Again, the vast majority of commentators did not give any place in their the tafseer books the defined meaning if there is a situation of waqf in the word “الْخَيْر”. Some of the commentators who gave the place to the defined meaning in the case of being a situation of waqf in the word “الْخَيْر” have expressed their view that the meaning in question destroyed the establishment of the verse. Some commentators cited both meanings appeared when the situation of waqf was or not, but did not make any preference. It seems that only a few commentators prefers the meaning emerged in the case of being the situation of waqf. In this article, it will be put forward the meanings emerged according to being of a situation of waqf or not in the end of the statement “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” in the 188th verse of the al-A'rāf surah and then it will be tried to determine which of these is preferable.

While identifying, describing and analyzing the views of the situations of waqf in the 188th verse of A`rāf, we will use the works of Ibnu'l-Enbārī, Nahhās, Dānī, Umānī, Secāvendī, Zekeriyyā al-Ansārī and Uşmūnī who wrote books in the field of the waqf and ibtidā. Therefore, after the conceptual and historical information about science of al-waqf wa’l-ibtidā is given, the classifications of these scholars concerning the types of waqf will be outlined.

In the next step, a general overview will be presented on the interpretation of the verse of A`rāf, 7/188. In this frame, the information about the linguistic and historical context of the verse will be given. In addition, the views expressed on the meaning of the phrases “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” and “وَمَا مَسَّنِي السُّوء” in the verse will be conveyed.

Finally, the views about the situation of waqf of phrase “لاَسْتَكْثَرْتُ مِنَ الْخَيْرِ” in the verse will be explaned based on the works of the tafseer and the works of al-waqf wa’l-ibtidā. It will be tried to determine which of these views is appropriate to the optimal meaning of the verse. Thus, an evaluation and a suggestion will be made about the topic.

Keywords: Waqf, Ibtidā, Secāwend, 7. al-A‘rāf 188, Meaning

License: "The Effect of a Distant Meaning on the Situation of Waqf in Ayath" by Mustafa KARAGÖZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

3. Muhammed Gazali ve Et-Tefsîru'l-Mevzûî li Suveri'l-Kur'âni'l-Kerîm İsimli Eserindeki Tefsir Metodu

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 97-119 İndir : 20170203.pdf

Yazar : Şahin GÜVEN

Öz

Muhammed Gazali (1917-1996), İslâmî ilimlerin hemen her ala-nında onlarca eser vermiş velûd bir âlimdir. Yirminci yüzyılın en önemli ıslahatçı âlimlerinden birisi olan Gazali, bütün hayatı bo-yunca İslâm ümmetinin dertleriyle dertlenmiş, sorunlarına çö-zümler sunmak için bütün mesaisini harcamış aksiyoner bir âlim-dir. Vakur ve tavizsiz duruşu sebebiyle çeşitli musibetlere maruz kalmış, hapse atılmış, ülkesinden sürgün edilmiş ve fakat tebliğ ve davet çalışmalarından asla vazgeçmemiş örnek bir şahsiyettir. “Yaşadığınız gibi ölürsünüz” hükmü fehvasınca, ilerlemiş yaşına rağmen yine bir tebliğ ve irşad faaliyeti için gittiği Suudi Arabis-tan’ın Riyad kentinde katıldığı bir konferans esnasında rahatsız-lanarak Hakk’ın rahmetine kavuşmuştur. Gazali arkasında onlarca eser bırakmıştır. Neredeyse bütün eserlerinde Kur’ân merkezli çalışmalar yapmış, Kur’ân âyetleriyle yaşanan hayat arasında ir-tibatlar kurmuş ve Kur’ân’dan hareketle konuları işlemiştir. Mü-ellifin Kur’ân’ı anlama ve yorumlamaya dair yazmış olduğu en önemli eserlerinden birisi hiç şüphesiz Nahve Tefsîrin Mevzûiyyin li Suveri’l-Kur’âni’l-Kerîm(1995-Kahire) isimli tefsiridir. Konulu tefsire dair bu çalışma müellifin en son yazdığı eseridir. Müfessi-rin bütün ilmi birikimini yansıtması bakımından bu eser, hacmi-nin küçüklüğüne rağmen önemli bir çalışmadır. İşte bizler de bu çalışmamızda öncelikle müellifin hayatı ve eserleri hakkında bilgi-ler vereceğiz. Daha sonra konulu tefsire dair söz konusu eserini inceleyerek Gazali’nin tefsir yöntemini belirlemeye çalışacağız. Ayrıca Konulu Tefsir hakkında kısaca bilgiler verdikten sonra Ga-zali’nin bu tefsirinin Konulu Tefsir çalışmaları içerisindeki yeri ve önemine dair kimi değerlendirmelerde bulunacağız.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kur’ân, Tefsir, Konulu Tefsir, Metot, Muhammed Gazali

Lisans: Şahin GÜVEN isimli yazarın "Muhammed Gazali ve Et-Tefsîru'l-Mevzûî li Suveri'l-Kur'âni'l-Kerîm İsimli Eserindeki Tefsir Metodu" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Muhammad Gazali and His Tafsir Method In The Book Named At-Tafsir Al-Mavzûi li Suver Al-Quran Al-Kerim

Abstract

Muhammad Gazali (1917–1995) was a fecund scholar who produced a lot of books in all areas of Islamic disciplines. As one of the most significant rehabilitator scholars of the twentieth century, all Gazali’s concern has been the troubles of the Islamic ummah in his whole life, spending all his working time to present solutions to its problems. He is a modal person who suffered several calamities because of his solemn stand making no concession, for which he was imprisoned, banished from his country but never gave up his efforts of announcement and invitation. He passed away to the rahmah of Allah falling ill during a conference he attended despite his old age in Riyadh city of Saudi Arabia, where he went again for his activities of announcement and guidance, in parallel with the meaning of the sentence “one dies as he lives”.

Gazali left tens of books behind. Having produced oral and written products in almost all fields of Islamic thought with the books and articles he wrote as well as the conferences and khutbahs he delivered, the author has more than sixty published books. He conducted Quran centered studies in almost all of his books, established connections between the verses of Quran and the life we live, and studied the matters based on Quran. Certainly one of the most significant books the author has written is his commentary named Al-Tafsir al-mavzûi li suver al-Quran al-Kerim. This topic-oriented commentary constitutes the last book of the author. Despite its small size, this book is an important study in that it reflects the entire scholarly knowledge of the mufassir. The first book of this commentary, first published in three distinct books, was introduced in 1992, the second in 1993 and the third in 1995. In 1995, the three books were united in a single volume and published for the benefit of readers. The commentary was translated into Turkish in 2000 and was published under the title “Kur’ân’ın Konulu Tefsiri (Topic-Oriented Commentary of Quran)” in our country.

In this study of ours, we will first provide information on the life and books of the author. Then we will examine his book named Nahva Tafsirin Mevzûiyyin li Suver al-Quran al-Karîm trying to find out the commentary method of Gazali. Furthermore, we will, after having provided brief information on the commentary, make some assessments on the place and significance of that commentary among other Topic-Oriented commentary studies.

The author, in awareness of the content of the Quran as a whole, commented on the verses taking as a basis the center and topic of the sura they are included in. Consequently, the author, in view of the principle of topic integrity in suras, referred occasionally to verses in other suras, and benefited from genuine hearsays from time to time. He attracts attention in particular to hearsays on the reason of revelation and in general to the historical and social contexts of times when the verses/suras were revealed, and uses such information in his commentary. On the other hand, Gazali’s commentary evidently shows that he establishes a tight relation between the Quran and the live we live in.

In view of methodological and practical studies on the field of Topic-Oriented Commentary, we can say that there are two types of Topic-Oriented studies in general. The first is to take a topic or concept and to comment on it within the framework of the integrity of the Quran. That kind of Topic-Oriented Commentary, as expressed by the author, is to closely explain and present a certain topic in the entirety of the Quran, finding solutions to several problems with that method.

The second is Topic-Oriented Commentary studies within the framework of suras. A Topic-Oriented Commentary study is all about taking a sura as a whole, determining general and special targets, and commenting on the sura in general by establishing relations between its subjects. The author made a Topic-Oriented Commentary within the framework of suras study in his book named Nahve Tafsirin Mavzûiyyin li Suver al-Quran al-Karim, and said on the matter that he considered as an example the book “an-Nebe al-Azîm” by Prof. Muhammed Abdullah Draz, who commented on al-Bakarah, the longest sura of Quran, via the method of Topic-Oriented Commentary.

The mentioned studies of Muhammed Gazali, who wrote books on Topic-Oriented Commentary within the framework of both subject and sura, are no doubt the first books in the field. Nevertheless, the mentioned works of the author still hold a significant place and bear significance in the field of Topic-Oriented Commentary. Particularly his establishing relations between the meanings of the verses he comments on and the life itself and his efforts for arrangement of the life we live in in conformity with the principles and targets of the Quran boosts the significance of the short and concise commentary he has written one more time.

It is possible to make the following points about the commentary method of Gazali considering that book by Gazali:

  1. The author first makes an introduction to each sura he is to comment on. The mufassir settles for clarification of the information on time and place of the sura useful for determination of the historical, social and cultural context in which the sura was revealed and the central idea (topic) that the sura focuses on. As a result, he avoids unnecessary information not required for the readers, who constitute the addressee.
  2. The author took the “Book Order” as a basis in commentary of suras; starting with al-Fatihâh sura and ending with an-Nas sura. In commenting on a sura, however, he doesn't take each and every verse of a sura one by one and comment on them. To the contrary, he selects and comments on verses that deals with the main character and topic of the sura.
  3. The author first starts by determining the central idea and main target of the sura he is to comment on and comments at all times in line with that main target.
  4. Gazali draws attention to the topic integrity (al-Vahdah al-Mavzûiyya) of suras in his commentary. This is because there is in fact a strong bond tying all matters to each other although suras seem to address several matters in general. According to the author, there is interconnection between the verses within a sura, and a topic integrity and coherence in long suras which appear particularly as if addressing different subjects.
  5. Gazali finds connections than bind the start of surahs to the end, and explains the final verses of a sura as confirming the verses in the beginning.
  6. In commenting on a surah, Gazali finds out its most important distinguishing feature or features and presents it to the understanding of the readers.
  7. Gazali occasionally draws attention, in the course of his explaining the topic/s constituting the core of a sura, to how one sura is distinguished from the others in terms of its main topic or the fashion in which it deals with the topic.
  8. In his commentary         , Gazali lays out new opinions and depicts expressly his unique ideas.

Gazali prefers the method of economy and laconism in his commentary. 

Keywords: Quran, Commentary, Topic-Oriented Commentary, Method, Muhammad Gazali

License: "Muhammad Gazali and His Tafsir Method In The Book Named At-Tafsir Al-Mavzûi li Suver Al-Quran Al-Kerim " by Şahin GÜVEN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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4. Modern Batı Dünya Görüşünün Tanrı Ve İnsan Tasavvuru Açısından Tahlil Ve Eleştirisi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 121-143 İndir : 20170204.pdf

Yazar : Latif TOKAT

Öz

Batı düşüncesi Varlık, Tanrı ve İnsan gibi temel dünya görüşü veya zihniyet konularında İslam dünyasından çok farklı bir paradigmaya sahiptir. Öz olarak “ilkesizlik” kavramıyla açıklayabileceğimiz bu paradigma farklılaşmanın ana sebebidir.

Örneğin Amerikan dünya görüşünün ya da yaşam felsefesinin gerisinde yatan isimler olarak bizzat Amerikalı düşünürler şu beş ismi saymaktadır: Darwin, Marx, Freud, James, Dewey. Her bir ismin Varlık, Tanrı ve İnsan anlayışlarının temelde örtüştüğünü söyleyebiliriz. Onlara T. Hobbes, F. Nietzsche ve J. P. Sartre da ekleyebiliriz.

Tanrı’dan ateşi “çalan” Prometheusçu insan anlayışı ile Tanrı’nın “Adem’e eşyanın isimlerini öğrettiğine” inanan insan anlayışı neredeyse birbirine zıt Tanrı-İnsan ilişkisinden bahsetmektedir. Tanrı’dan ateşi çalan insanın Tanrı anlayışı ile, Tanrı’nın kendisine bizzat “bilgi”yi öğrettiği insanın Tanrı anlayışı, sadece farklılıktan ibaret kalmayacak insanın bilim yapma ve bilgi anlayışına da etkileri olacaktır.

“Hakikat varsa özgürlük yoktur,” ifadesi bir bakıma bugünkü Batı metafiziğini ve Varlık anlayışını özetler niteliktedir ve buna göre, eğer bir hakikat varsa da bu “sosyolojik hakikat” olacaktır.

İslam dünyasında ise, özellikle Tanrı-insan ilişkisi konusunda Tanrı’nın güç, kudret ve azametine halel gelmemesi adına insanın ihmal edildiği bir kelamî problem hep var olmuştur. Bunun pratik sonucu “cılız insan” anlayışıdır. Buna rağmen Müslüman dünyanın en azından teoride bir “ilke”si daima var olmuştur, aynı şeyi bugünün Batı dünyası için söylemek zor görünüyor.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Dünya Görüşü, Batı Metafiziği, Varlık Tasavvuru, Tanrı Tasavvuru, İnsan Tasavvuru

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The Analysis And Critique Of Modern Western Worldview From The Concept Of God And Human

Abstract

What is the place of God and religion in the modern western worldview? What lies behind the philosophy of life and worldview of today's Western world?
In this paper, I will analyze and criticize contemporary Western worldview from the viewpoint of its God and Human understanding which is the reason why Muslim world cannot compete with Western world in social sciences.
Western thought has a very different paradigm from Islamic world on worldview and mindset issues such as Being, God and Human. For example, American intellectuals themselves count five names as lying behind the American worldview or philosophy of life: Darwin, Marx, Freud, James, Dewey. Each name we can say basically agrees on the understanding of Being, God and Human. We can add them T. Hobbes, F. Nietzsche and J. P. Sartre.
About the concept of God: How does the idea of "Father" image or to be "children of God" in Christianity predict a God-human relationship? What kind of practical consequences does this God-human relationship have in the religious and moral life of the ordinary Christian believer?
In the western world God has been accepted either as a Father, as a deistic god, or completely rejected. In the Islamic world, we can say that besides being an imaginary change, there is a "God eclipse".
We see that secularization, and getting away from holy and God are embodied in the Descartes philosophy. So it would be better to take Descartes, not the Renaissance and the Reform, as the beginning of the modern era. Descartes's philosophy has revealed a human-centered world rather than a god-centered world.
In the postmodern period, Kant's closure of metaphysics to human knowledge led to the understanding that metaphysics was closed not only in knowledge but also in human. Fideism in Kantian philosophy of religion has enabled to positivism. We can see that the post-Kantian period ended with the idea of atheism, positivism, deism, or a dysfunctional God.
About the understanding of human-being: At the beginning of the modern era, Islam and Christianity had similar conception of man's creation and fall into the world. However, Christianity is separated from Islam by the idea of "original sin". Although Islam does not mention the idea of "fall," it is similar to Christianity in that man lives a life far away from his motherland on earth. Christian theology accepts that a human-being’s fallen, that he is sinful, and that he must struggle against his bad nature. Christian morality was largely influenced by the doctrine of fall.
Along with the modern era, there have also been significant changes in the human understanding of the Western world. Human-being are thought to be a part of nature, for him also the rules that apply in nature are valid. Hobbes’s statement that summarize his understanding of human, “man is wolf to man” is united in spirit with Nietzsche’s “will to power” concept. This “morality” will produce some results that cannot be called moral as such.
On the other hand, the influence of Greek mythology in Western thought cannot be neglected. Prometheus character is important for human philosophy.
Promethean human understanding, “stealing” the fire from God, is almost opposite of the human understanding that “Adam was taught the names of the goods by God”. Promethean concept of God and the second one will not only consist of differences, they will also impact on the understanding of knowledge, and the way of doing science.
On the other side, in the Islamic world, the concept of Being is confirming so to say the phrase of “there is no a new word under the sun”. In particular, in behalf of God’s power, greatness and glory, human-being has always been neglected. This “puny human” understanding will produce some practical results. Despite that, Muslim world, at least in theory, has always had a “principle”, it seems difficult to say the same thing for today's Western worldview. Is it possible to compete with a mentality that doesn’t have any “principle”?
"There is no freedom if there is truth," this thought summarizes the current Western practice and way of life, and accordingly, also if there is any truth it will be “sociological truth”
Fear and anxiety bill be inevitable if there is no meaning of history, if existence is meaningless, if man is wolf to man, if there is no holy, if human-being is just a part of nature, even if there is a God but human-being is just His spoiled and guilty child. Fear of absence, anxiety, fear of death, fear of nature, fear of hunger, fear of losing health, fear of escaping comfort, fear of the future, fear of returning religion will be inevitable.

Keywords: Worldview, Western Metaphysics, Western Ontology, Concept of God, Concept of Human

License: "The Analysis And Critique Of Modern Western Worldview From The Concept Of God And Human" by Latif TOKAT is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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5. Kur’ân’daki Bazı İdgâmlı Kelimelerin Yapı Ve Anlam Yönünden İncelenmesi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 145-217 İndir : 20170205.pdf

Yazar : Abdulkadir BAYAM

Öz

Yüce kitabımız Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’de çok sayıda fiil ve türetilmiş isim yer almaktadır ve onların önemli bir kısmı mezîd yani harf ilâve edilmiş bâblardadır. Okuyucu, kelimenin rubâ‘î, humâsî ve südâsî bâblardan hangisine girdiğini benzerlerine kıyaslayarak kolayca tespit edebilir. Buna karşılık idgâmın peş peşe veya sadece başlangıç kısmında gerçekleştiği يَصَّدَّعُونَ, الْمُطَّهِّرِينَ ve ادَّارَكُوا gibi bazı sözcükler okuyucuya yapı yönünden dolayısıyla da anlam bakımından kapalı gelebilmektedir. Buna benzer idgâmlı sözcükler, Kur’ân’da önemli bir yer tuttuğu için çalışmamızın konusunu teşkil etmiştir. Makâlede söz konusu kelimeler tespit edilip yapı ve anlam yönünden teferruatlıca ele alınmaktadır. Amaç, bu sözcüklerin nasıl bir yapıya ve ne gibi anlamlara sahip olduğunu belirlemektir. O doğrultuda da konunun vuzûha kavuşturulması adına önde gelen dil âlimlerinin, müfessirlerin ve sözlük müelliflerinin bilgilerinden istifâde edilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın konusunu teşkil eden kelimeler, kökü bakımından alfabetik sıraya göre hangi maddeye dâhilse orada ele alınmaktadır. Her maddede kelimenin yer aldığı âyete ve meâline, yapı ve anlam bilgisine sırasıyla yer verildiği gibi madde sonlarında da manaya ilişkin olarak klasik sözlüklerdeki genel durumun yansıtılmasına özen gösterilmektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kur’ân-ı Kerîm, Arap Dili, kelime yapısı, anlam

Lisans: Abdulkadir BAYAM isimli yazarın "Kur’ân’daki Bazı İdgâmlı Kelimelerin Yapı Ve Anlam Yönünden İncelenmesi " başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Analysis Of Some Incorporation Words In The Qur’an In Terms Of Structure And Meaning

Abstract

There are many verbs and derived names in the Holy Qur'an, and an important part of them is the mazîd, i.e. the aspects which are added letters. The reader can easily determine which they are entering to the aspects consisting of four letters (rubâ‘î), or five letters (humâsî) or six letters (sudâsî) by comparison with the similar. On the other hand, some words as يَصَّدَّعُونَ,الْمُطَّهِّرِينَ  andادَّارَكُوا  which incorporation carried out in succession or only at the beginning can be ambiguous to the reader in terms of structure, therefore meaning.

Such like incorporation words constituted the subject of our work because it holds an important place in the Qur’an. In this article, the words in question are identified and handled extensively in terms of structure and meaning. The aim is to determine what kind of structure these words have and what meanings they have. In that direction, it is also taken advantage of the knowledge of the leading linguists, commentators and dictionary authors to make evident the subject.

We want to stand on the verb مَا يَذَّكَّر located in the verse 269 of al-Baqarah. al-Ukbarî (d. 616/1219) states that the original of يَذَّكَّرُ, i.e. incorporation-free formal is يَتَذَكَّر, ت closes to ذ and has been replaced each other to be contracted one letter to another. According to Abû Hayyân al-Andalusî (d. 745/1344) the original of that verb, in other words incorporation-free formal is يَتَذَكَّر and ت has been contracted to ذ. Some meanings of the verb of مَا يَذَّكَّرُ are as folows: ما يَتَّعِظُ بما ذَكَرَ (does not get advice from his warnings), ما يَتَفَكَّرُ أوْ ما يَتَّعِظُ بما في القرآن (does not think about org et advice from Qur’an), ما يَتَّعِظُ  (he does not get advice, derive lessons from mistakes and draw lessons), مَا يَنْتَفِعُ بِالْمَوْعِظَةِ وَالتِّذْكَارِ  (does not benefit from advice and reminding),ما يَتَّعِظُ أوْ ما يَتَفَكَّرُ في الآيَاتِ (does not take advice or think about the verses). When it is looked at the meanings given for the verb يَتَذَكَّر located in the Qur’an, it is generally seen that it takes advice يَتَّعِظُ. اِتَّعَظَ, means to get advice when the news is made mention or told.

At the end of this study, the results obtained from the structure can be conveyed as follows:

When it is looked at the Qur’an in terms of the verbs subjecting to incorporation which we mention, from aspect (باب) of تَفَعُّل  لَمْ يَدَّبَّرُوا (لَمْ يَتَدَبَّرُوا), يَذَّكَّرُونَ (يَتَذَكَّرُونَ), يَزَّكَّى (يَتَزَكَّى), ازَّيَّنَتْ (تَزَيَّنَتْ), لَا يَسَّمَّعُونَ (لا يَتَسَمَّعُونَ), يَشَّقَّقُ (يَتَشَقَّقُ), يَصَّدَّعُونَ (يَتَصَدَّعُونَ), أَصَّدَّق (أَتَصَدَّق), يَصَّعَّدُ (يَتَصَعَّدُ), يَضَّرَّعُونَ (يَتَضَرَّعُونَ), اطَّهَّرُوا (تَطَهَّرُوا), أَنْ يَطَّوَّفَ (أنْ يَتَطَوَّفَ), اطَّيَّرْنَا (تَطَيَّرْنَا)… verbs and الْمُدَّثِّرُ (الْمُتَدَثِّرُ), الْمُزَّمِّلُ (الْمُتَزَمِّلُ), الْمُصَّدِّقِينَ (الْمُتَصَدِّقِينَ), الْمُصَّدِّقَاتِ (الْمُتَصَدِّقَاتِ), الْمُطَّهِّرِينَ (الْمُتَطَهِّرِينَ), الْمُطَّوِّعِينَ (الْمُتَطَوِّعِينَ) nouns, as for aspect ofتَفَاعُل  اثَّاقَلْتُمْ (تَثَاقَلْتُمْ), ادَّارَأْتُمْ (تَدَارَأْتُمْ), ادَّارَكَ (تَدَارَكَ), ادَّارَكُوا (تَدَارَكُوا) verbs are seen. It is worth mentioning here that there are particles such as أن, لم having many different functions at the beginning of some verbs.

The majority in تَفَعُّل aspect of this kind of incorporation words as both the verb and the noun in this kind of idiomatic vocabulary are in front of eyes. However, there are only a few verbs in تَفَاعُل aspect. The most commonly used verb among these is undoubtedly يَذَّكَّرُونَ verb. When the verb and noun are compared, the verbs have a marginal advantage. All nouns in تَفَعُّل aspect are active participle (اسم الفاعل). It is determined that ت of related aspects in these words located in the Qur’an has been incorporated to the ث, د, ذ, ز, س, ش, ص, ض  and ط  letters which are first root of the word (فاء الفعل). Most of scholars state that ت has been incorporated to these letters. The reason for incorporation is usually the articulation proximity between ت and these letters, and sometimes they are from the same place. In the related words, after ت was incorporated to aforementioned letters, a conjunctive hamza (همزة الوصل) has been brought to the head to pronounce the quiescent letter because it has no possibility to start with the quiescent letter. According to some scholars, the purpose of the construction of incorporotation is to alleviate pronunciation and the weight on wording (اللفظ). The witnesses (الاستشهاد) brought in statements related with the structure of these words are other similar words located in the Qur'an also. These witnesses are also quoted by a significant part of the commentators. The prosody of some incorporation words has been conveyed different from what it is supposed to be by some scholars. Many of the commentators have been contented with providing the original of these incorporation words, specifying the reason by stating that ت has been incorporated aforementioned letters or expressing that ت has been incorporated directly without justifying with any reason, and have not nearly spoken of prosody subject.  In this study, it has been witnessed that al-Zadjdjadj (d. 311/923) has generally been reference book for classical commentary books (tafsir) sources and dictionaries regarding incorporation words. After all, principal prosody of an incorporation word inتَفَعُّل  aspect: Past tense (الماضي) تَفَعَّلَ (اِفَّعَّلَ), imperfect (المضارع) يَتَفَعَّلُ (يَفَّعَّلُ), infinitive (المصدر) تَفَعُّلٌ (اِفَّعُّلٌ), active participle (اسم الفاعل) مُتَفَعِّلٌ (مُفَّعِّلٌ), imperative (أمر الحاضر) تَفَعَّلْ (اِفَّعَّلْ).تَفَاعُل  aspect: Past tense (الماضي) تَفَاعَلَ (اِفَّاعَلَ), imperfect (المضارع) يَتَفَاعَلُ (يَفَّاعَلُ), infinitive (المصدر) تَفَاعُلٌ (اِفَّاعُلٌ), active participle (اسم الفاعل) مُتَفَاعِلٌ (مُفَّاعِلٌ), imperative (أمر الحاضر) تَفَاعَلْ (اِفَّاعَلْ).

It has been reached regarding the meaning of such words to the following conclusions: A large number of classical commentaries have been looked at for the meanings of these incorporation words. These meanings have been confirmed from the classical dictionaries as well. In the sources of commentaries, it is seen that the meanings of these words are first and foremost confronted with their originals in تَفَعُّل and تَفَاعُل aspects, that is to say incorporation-free status, but it has no been content with this, and have been given place to other possible meanings. As for the fineness of meaning which incorporation signs and glazed meanings, It is worth noting that they were substantially got in touch with in the work of al-Biqâ‘î (d. 885/1480). al-Biqâ‘î has an undisputed superiority in this matter. For example, while the meaning of ادَّارَأْتُمْ verb located in the verse 72 of al-Baqarah is being met with its incorporation- free form تَدَارَأْتُمْ (you pushed one another, i.e. you threw to each other) in commentary books, it has been reflected the meanings such as "you fell into a dispute”, “you threw the murder each other”. The subtleties of meaning in incorporation are as follows: when they have disbelieved the killing, it has been pointed out hiding it with the incorporation "فادَّارَأْتُمْ فِيهَا" wording, that is to say, each group from them has got back and ascribed the murder another. It has been stated in classical dictionaries that تَدَارَأْتُمْ means “you disagreed and pushed” and اِدَّارَأْتُمْ as well. Thus, the meaning has been confirmed. In other cases, it can be said that this view is dominant also. On the other hand, it is emphasized that the expression power of this sound and inspiration would be lost, the power exuded to the meaning of this verb would be deflated, for example, when it has been located تَثَاقَلْتُمْ verb instead of اثَّاقَلْتُمْ verb situated in a verse. It is not possible to participate this. Because this is the courses of wondrous nature of the Qur’an.

If aforementioned incorporation words have typically located as تَفَعُّل  or تَفَاعُل  aspect in the Qur’an, they have been given place as far as possible, and this has contributed to the establishment of links between the two meanings use. Apart from some meaning subtleties that incorporation has shown, it is seen that there is a sense of coexistence and harmony between these two uses. It is worth noting that incorporation usually refers to the meaning of concealment.

Keywords: Qur'an, Arabic Language, word structure, meaning

License: "The Analysis Of Some Incorporation Words In The Qur’an In Terms Of Structure And Meaning " by Abdulkadir BAYAM is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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6. Kuzey Afrika Tasavvuf Düşüncesinde Semâ

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 224-246 İndir : 20170206.pdf

Yazar : Hamide ULUPINAR

Öz

Tasavvufun bir ilim dalı olarak teşekkülünden itibaren her devirde semâ tartışılan bir konu olmuştur. Bazı âlimler semâyı haram saymış, bazıları ise semâyı savunmuş ve semânın önemini anlatan eserler yazmışlardır. Osmanlılar döneminde bu tartışmalar fakihler ile sûfîler arasında çok ileri boyutlara varmıştır. Kuzey Afrika’da ise semâ tartışmaları, nazari boyutta ve hoşgörü çerçevesinde, daha çok sûfîler arasında cereyan etmiştir. Kuzey Afrika sûfîleri semâ konusunu: semânın mahiyeti, semâ ehli ve semânın hükmü başlıkları etrafında ele almışlardır. Semânın mahiyeti konusunda en detaylı açıklama İbnü’l-Arabî tarafından yapılmıştır. O, semânın ehli ve hükmü hususunu da semânın mahiyeti noktasından değerlendirmiştir. Ebû Medyen ve Ahmed Zerrûk semâya mahiyetinden ziyade, ehli ve hükmü açısından yaklaşmıştır. Kuzey Afrika tasavvuf düşüncesinde Medyenî-Ekberî ekolün temsilcileri olan sûfîler hakîkati duyma anlamındaki mutlak semâyı vazgeçilmez saymış, müzikli semâ meclislerini mübah görmekle birlikte uygun bulmamışlardır. Şâzilî-Zerrûkî ekolün temsilcileri mutlak semânın hakikate eriştireceğini belirtmekle birlikte müzikli semâyı haram addederek mensuplarına yasaklamış ve genel olarak semâ hakkında olumsuz kanaat beyan etmişlerdir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kuzey Afrika, Tasavvuf, Semâ, Medyeniyye, Şâziliyye

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Sama Understanding In North Afrıca Sufism Thought

Abstract

Since sufism has been established as a branch of science, sama has been a subject of debate in every period. Some scholars have counted sama as forbidden by religion, while others have defended and written works describing the importance of sama. During the Ottoman period these discussions reached very advanced dimensions between the scholars of fiqh and sufis. In North Africa, sama discussions especially have taken place in the sufis, in the aspect of tolerance and in the aspect of theoretical.

The North African Sufis have dealt with the subject of the sama: the content of the sama, the subject of the sama and the provision of the sama. The most detailed explanation of the content of the sama was made by Ibn Arabi. He classified the sama as absolute sama and bounded sama in his work titled “Al-Futudhat al-Makkiyya”. The absolute sama, according to Ibn al-Arabi, is the true sama, the sama that Allah hath embraced, and hearing is the most honorable thing that he does. Bounded sama is to hear the tunes bounded by beautiful sounds. Nature takes action because of these twitches according to their perception. By sama, this is what the general meaning of people means, and this is called the natural sama. Ibn al-Arabi stated that the absolute sama is true and listened by mind and it is not possible to abandon. He mentioned that the sama which was abandoned by sufis was bounded sama (mukayyad) that means to listen to the tegannî and that this was listened to by nafs, he deals with competent points and provision of sama by classifying contents of it.

Ahmad Zarruk, who regards the sama as the hearing of the divine truth, stated that those who listen to the truth in the act of sama will benefit from the truth, and those who listen to the nafs will benefit from evil. According to him, whoever hears the will of his body will be limited only to that time. Therefore, a person who is a scholar of knowledge will not increase the tendency to the world. If he increases, he will turn away from the god. From this point Ibn Arabi and Ahmad Zarruk agree that the sama is to listen to the divine truth. However, Ibn Arabi explained the sama issue from the point of unity of existence (wahdat-i wujûd) and Ahmad Zarruk from the point of listener of the sama.

Another point raised in surveys made about sama is who acts or should act it. In this regard, Sheikh Abu Madyan states that the sama is an specific practice for the competent and that everyone will participate in sama will not be right, only they can reach to supreme statues and emanates wisdom from their language if an expert act it. He says that novice followers cannot rise spiritually only with sama. Ibn Arabi states two groups that one of them who act true sama uses mind and the other one acts bounded sama uses nafs as in classifying the content of sama.  As to Ahmad Zarruk, he acknowledges that some of them act sama with his heart and regarding the god but in his own time there are a few who are willing to be true, and more idle and ignorant ones go towards to sama.  Hence, sama is not a method to help in the spiritual decency of the soul in the process of entering to the sect. It provides a benefit according to the intent and rank of the person, not suitable for the follower who did not kill nafs.

The focal points of the arguments between the jurisprudences and the sufis and the accusations are the different provisions about sama, whether it is permissible or forbidden. However, in North Africa, the situation has been different, and with the individual differences, the jurists have shown more positive attitudes and some sufis have declared that they are "forbidden". The Maliki jurists, that they were moderate in the sense of sama and also the imam of the sect had also positive opinions, adjudged it as allowable. Discussions on the provision of sama have been made mostly among the sufis, Abu Madyan and Ibn al-Arif stated that sama was allowable, on the other hand Ibn Arabi stated the sama which include games and entertainment should be banned but he did not refuse all aspects of sama saying it is impossible to abandon the true sama which is real (natural), he pointed out the importance of judging according to the content of the sama.

Sheikh Abu'l-Hasan al-Shazilî expressed the opinion that it is necessary to prohibit sama because it has caused obstacles and misguidances by putting forth something new and producing it. For this reason, more importance was given to the collective zikr more than individual one in the Shazilî Sect, and the sacrament rituals were performed collectively, sitting and standing, but the sama was not regarded warmly. In Shazilî Sect, with a negative attitude about religious music and sama, in many branches of the sect, sama became the basis of the dhikr rituals.

According to Sheikh Ahmad Zarruk, there is no evidence that those who see sama as allowable. According to him, sama is an allowable license in the state of necessity beside the ones who think it is allowable. Sama must be fulfilled by complying with the conditions; if there is lack of conditions it must be prohibited. Sama which is done with the participation of beautiful faced men, and the participation of both male and female and musical instruments is not allowable. However, if there is a necessity to do so, and time, space, and conditions are satisfied, then it will be permissible. Sheikh Zarruk stated that it was wrong to approach overall for sama, so he explained the right and wrong practices he saw during sama and gave the judgment accordingly.

We can summarize that while the sufis, who are representatives of the Madyani-Ekberi schools in the North African sense of sufism, have positively approached sama, the representatives of the Shazili-Zarruki school have been positively interested in listening to the divine truth of sama with their individual differences, but they approached sama councils negatively. The most important reason for this approach is the participation of people who are not competent to the sama assemblies, the situation of being males and female together, and the violation of the Shari'a principles from time to time.

Keywords: North Africa, Sufism, Sama, Madyaniya, Shaziliya

License: "Sama Understanding In North Afrıca Sufism Thought " by Hamide ULUPINAR is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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7. Siyahî Senkretik Bir Dinî Hareket Olarak Rastafarilik

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 247-264 İndir : 20170207.pdf

Yazar : Kadir ALBAYRAK

Öz

Rastafarilik hareketi 1920’lerde, Jamaikalı bir siyahi olan Marcus Garvey’in öğretilerinden esinlenerek ortaya çıkmış; senkretik, binyılcı, mesihçi, Afrika kökenli zenci kölelerin direnişiyle güç kazanmış olan yeni bir dinimsi oluşumdur. Rastafariler kadim İsraillilerin torunları olduğuna ve işledikleri günahlar yüzünden sürgün edildiklerine, ilk Etiyopya kralı Haile Selassie I’in yaşayan tanrı ve dünyanın kralı olduğuna inanırlar. Onlara göre Etiyopya cenneti, Jamaika ise tamamen cehennemi temsil eder. Rastafarilere göre marijuana içmek manevi bir pratik olup, kökü Kutsal Kitaba dayanır. I-tal adını verdikleri bir vejetaryen diyete uymak Rastafariliğin temel inançları arasındadır. Örgülü Rasta saçı hareketin en önemli özelliklerindendir. Rastafariliğin yeşil, sarı ve kırmızı (bazen siyah) olmak üzere sembolik renkleri vardır ve bunlar bayrak, dinî resim, rozet ve posterlerde çok yaygın bir şekilde kullanılır.

Rastafarilik günümüzde dışarıdan hemen fark edilen sembolleri, reggae müzik, yemek diyetleri, Rasta tarzı saçları vb. dolayısıyla özellikle gençler arasında büyük bir ilgiyle karşılanmakta, bu özelliklerinden dolayı sadece siyahlara ve gecekondu bölgelerine özgü olma özelliğini kaybetmekte, geniş kitlelerin dikkatini çekmekte, hızla yayılmaktadır. Ne var ki, ülkemizde ve İslam ülkelerinde Müslüman kökenden gelen Rastafarinin var olup olmadığına ilişkin bir bilgiye ulaşamadığımızı vurgulamak istiyoruz. Ancak, Rastafarilik ile diğer bir siyahi dinî hareket olarak 1930’lu yıllarda Elijah Muhammed liderliğinde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’inde ortaya çıkan “İslam Milleti” (Nation of Islam) arasında bazı benzerlikler olduğu ileri sürülmekle birlikte bu konuda halen akademik bir çalışma yapılmış değildir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Rastafarilik, Jamaika, Haile Selassie I, siyahiler, Afrika, Etiyopya, marijuana, renkler, I-tal diyeti, reggae müziği, Bob Marley

Lisans: Kadir ALBAYRAK isimli yazarın "Siyahî Senkretik Bir Dinî Hareket Olarak Rastafarilik" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Rastafarianism As A Syncretic And Black Religious Movement

Abstract

The Rastafarian movement originated in the 1920s in Jamaica, inspired by the teachings of a Jamaican, Marcus Garvey. As a syncretic, messianic and millenarian movement Rastafarianism is linked to the roots of resistance to slavery among descendants of the black African slave families. Emerged in Jamaica, Rastafarian movement is the biggest and most recognized local movement today. Therefore, it has a philosophy that can change society and has the capacity to gather crowds around. In recent years, there is an increasing attention to this movement not only in Jamaica, where it originated, but also in America, England, Canada and Africa. Although the movement began to emerge in 1930s, things written about it was based on superficial and hearsay information. As a result, Rastafarian movement is generally misunderstood both in Jamaica and elsewhere. It is possible to say that among today’s thousands of similar cults, Rastafarians have an important number and influence. Local ethnic religious movements and messianic/millennial movements are topics that researchers on phenomenology of religion and history of religions put emphasis on. On the other hand, sociologists and anthropologists are concerned with the social aspects of such movements while researchers on policy study their ideology. Psychological understandings of these groups have also been studied respect to their reaction with colonialism. Linguists study the original jargons of these movements, while theologians emphasize the theological aspects.

Rastafarians believe that the former Ethiopian Emperor, Haile Selassie, born in 1892 and died in 1975, is a Black Messiah who will free the blacks who have been deported to different parts of the world from the oppression of the whites. The movement sees Ethiopia as the arz-i mev’ûd, promised lands. Accordingly, in the final analysis, black people will return to Ethiopia from Western countries where they are exiled as slaves. Belief in this return is a basis of faith and Haile Selassie will set the time for this. Rastas are convinced black people are reincarnations of the ancient Israelites and were exiled because of their evil deeds. They believe that the former emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie I, is the living God and emperor of the world. However, the details of this return are secret and known only to very few people. According to narrations, there are those who claim that it will start with at least ten English ships from the Jamaican shores, and that they will come to Jamaica with their Ethiopian equipment. However, this understandings, stories and beliefs about return can now be considered as fantasies of the past.

For Rastafarians, Haile Selassie I, ganja, dreadlocks and the return to Africa considered as important symbols. Over time, the Rastafarians formed their own myths and rituals. However, these are still not written down systematically. Beliefs and rituals often show changes from one group to another, but followings are expressed as the general accepted beliefs and rituals of the Rastafarians:

Haile Selassie is a living god, the blacks are the incarnated individuals of the ancient Israel and whites exiled them to Jamaica, white man is lower than black man, Jamaica is desperate Hell, Ethiopia is paradise, the Triumphant Emperor of Ethiopia, is preparing ways to return to the African descendants to Ethiopia, in the near future, blacks will rule the world.

Having considered the conditions that Rastafarian movement emerged, women did not have an effective role. Members of the movement are usually men, but in recent times and nowadays, women also have an important role. Women often host special meetings where their main roles are singers and secretaries. While men bear many responsibilities of the movement, women mostly sell handbags, baskets, mats, brooms, artwork and other things in recent times.

According to them, Ethiopia represents heaven and Jamaica represents pure hell. For Rastas, smoking cannabis/marijuana is a spiritual act often accompanied by Bible studies. The I-tal vegetarian diet is one of the main tenets of the Rastafari movement. The wearing of dreadlocks is very closely associated with the movement. The Rastafari colors of green, gold and red (sometimes also including black) are very commonly sported on the Rastafari flag, icons, badges, posters.

Finally, we want to emphasize that we couldn’t get any information whether Muslim-originated Rastafarians exists in Islamic countries or in our country. However, Rastafarian movement and another black religious movement, namely ‘Nation of Islam’, which emerged in United States in 1930s under the leadership of Elijah Muhammed, alleged to have some similarities but have yet to be studied academically.

Keywords: Rastafarianism, Jamaica, Haile Selassie I, black people, Africa, Ethiopia, marijuana, colors, I-tal diet, reggae music, Bob Marley

License: "Rastafarianism As A Syncretic And Black Religious Movement" by Kadir ALBAYRAK is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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8. İbn Raşîk El-Kayravânî Ve Belâgat İlmine Etkisi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 287-316 İndir : 20170208.pdf

Yazar : Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ

Öz

Hicrî IV. ve V. asırlarda yaşayan İbn Raşîk el-Kayravânî, belagat ilminin sistematik bir yapıya bürünmesine katkı sağlayan bilginlerden biridir. Şair, edip ve münekkit olmasının yanı sıra, özellikle el-‘Umde fî Mehâsini’ş-Şi‘r adlı eseriyle bilinir. İbn Raşîk, başlı başına bir münekkit olarak bütün yönleriyle şiir ve şairler üzerinde durmuş, özellikle de bedî‘ ilmine olan katkılarıyla bu ilim dalının müstakil bir hüviyet kazanmasına öncülük etmiştir. Bir de şiir divanına sahip olan İbn Raşîk, kendi zamanına kadar yazılan eserlere müracaat ederek, edebî kavram ve tenkitleri kendi kuralları ışığında sistematik olarak işlemiş ve edebiyat eleştirisi alanında ayrı bir yere sahip olmuştur. Bu çalışma, onun belagat ilmine etkisini bütüncül bir bakış açısıyla ele almayı hedeflemektedir. Dolayısıyla burada her biri ayrı bir çalışma konusu olabilecek alanlardan sadece şiirin mahiyeti, konusu, amacı, unsurları, nazım türleri ve bunların özellikleri ekseninde onun şiir geleneğine katkısı incelenmiş ve belagat ilminin alt birimlerinden özel olarak bedî‘ ilmine getirdiği yenilikler üzerinde durulmuştur. Kendine mahsus tarzda incelediği veya kendince farklı isimlerle ifade ettiği bedî‘ sanatlarına işaret edilmiştir. Zira o, henüz müstakil hale gelmemiş olan meânî ve beyân ilimlerine dair yalnızca birkaç konuyla sınırlı kalmış ve bedî‘ alanında daha önce değinilmeyen bazı sanatları ele alacağını bizzat ifade etmiştir

Anahtar Kelimeler: İbn Raşîk, el-‘Umde, belâgat, edebî tenkit, bedî‘ sanatları

Lisans: Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ isimli yazarın "İbn Raşîk El-Kayravânî Ve Belâgat İlmine Etkisi " başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Ibn Rashīq Al-Qayrawanī And Effect Of Rhetoric

Abstract

Ibn Rashîq al-Qayravanî, who lived in the Hijri 4th and 5th century, is among the scholars who contributed to the systematic structure of rhetoric. As well as being a poet, rhetorician and critic, he is known especially by al-'Umde fî Mehâsini'ş-Şi'r.

In fact, this work, as a whole, focuses on the notion of eloquence altogether. From this point of view, can be seen as an encyclopedic work of poetry that deals with the nature, language, theme and aesthetic aspects of poetry. In the book, which consists of a hundred and seventeen topics, firstly, information on the culture and the theory of poetry is handled in thirty chapters. The emphasis on poetry's superiority to prose, the rejection of poetry against unwittingly, the benefits and harms of poetry, attacks on poets, earning poetry, old and new poets, and famous poets. Islamic view of poetry is also discussed. Al-'Umde, poetry work on the nature of the process up to Ibn Rashîq, is both extensive and abstract. Ibn Rashîq does not take a particular attitude despite the fact that in many respects he has his own original thoughts. However, after expressing various opinions on one subject, he declares his own opinion. His own internal evaluations are sometimes extremely colorful.

Ibn Rashîq, who also has a poetry divan, has made important contributions to the development of literary criticism in poetry. By applying to works written up to its time, literary concepts and criticisms systematically processed in the light of their own rules and had a separate place in the field of literary criticism. Especially in the last period, it is a lot of those who see him as a transplant critic, not an original one, because of the long transfers. But it would not be right to describe it in this way. Because he has been extremely selective in these transfers before anything else.

 He has introduced many original concepts and has given unique names to certain concepts from time to time. Since his other works are not well known, every work in the field of literary criticism has to resort to al-'Umde.

Ibn Rashîq regards ode as the superior verse of Arabic poetry. Although there are different views on how many couplets a poem should have in order to be found in the ostrich, according to Ibn Rashîq, at least seven couplets must be formed in an ode. From the earliest times, many odes have been written that do not respect these stages. However, the number of critics who think that this understanding, which started in the period of the Jahiliyyah, should be maintained is not at all small. Ibn Rashîq comes at the beginning of these. According to him, a person who writes poetry in Arabic language should be able to master Arabic language and culture, as well as the Arabic poetry fiction and order, lyric and meaningful forms of beautification. He must be able to master them.

 He has thus defended that every poetry will not try it, and that the original must have certain conditions.

Ibn Rashîq has divided thirty-nine chapters into rhetoric in al-'Umde, and has been limited to a few issues from the al-ma'ānī, al-bayān which have not yet been fully determined, and thus have not become an independent eloquence. However, has contributed originally to the arts of al-badī, a subdivision of rhetoric and has pioneered this discipline to acquire an independent identity. His classification of these matters also differs from today's groupings. For example, metaphor and allegory are considered under the title of al-bayān, while Ibn Rashîq has been assessed in the category of al-badī arts in his period.

While Ibn Rashîq explains about sixty literary arts that the previous authors have identified in al-'Umde, at the same time he gave them different names and found some additions. Therefore, the true contribution to rhetoric is mainly for the arts badī and formation of the al-badī. Ibn Rashîq has made some of the additions to the badī arts, and has provided new openings for some. Moreover, has revealed unique relationships among them and contributed to the development of al-badī.

It is stated in some sources that Ibn Rashîq has discovered and examined over twenty badī arts himself and assessed the views in this regard. Of course, it is true that some of these arts, such as tafrī, tardīd and iştirâk, were first introduced by Ibn Rashîq, or that some of them got new dimensions with it. However, it is not right to say that the first of all the arts that betting has been discovered by him.

Keywords: Ibn Rashîq, Al-'Umde, rhetoric, literary criticism, badī arts

License: "Ibn Rashīq Al-Qayrawanī And Effect Of Rhetoric " by Muhammet Vehbi DERELİ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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9. Celâleddîn Es-Suyûti’nin Merâsidu’l-Metâli’ Fî Tenâsübi’l-Mekâtı’ Ve’l-Metâli’ İsimli Eseri Bağlamında Sûrelerin Başı İle Sonu Arasındaki Münasebet

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 317-339 İndir : 20170209.pdf

Yazar : Şahin GÜVEN

Öz

Bu makale, İslâmî ilimlerin hemen her alanında eser telif etmiş velûd bir âlim olan Celâleddîn es-Suyûti’nin (Ö. 911/1505) Kur’ân İlimleri alanında yazdığı Merâsidu’l-Metâli’ fî Tenâsübi’l-Mekâtı’ ve’l-Metâli’ isimli eseri bağlamında “sûrelerin başı ile sonu arasındaki münasebet” konusunu işlemektedir.

Eserin isminden de açıkça anlaşılacağı üzere konusu, sûrelerin başı ile sonu arasında kurulan lafza ya da manaya dayalı münasebetten ibarettir. Müellif bu münasebeti genellikle çok kısa ve öz ifadelerle dile getirmekte ve şahit olarak getirdiği âyetlerin sadece şahitle ilgili kısmını zikretmekle yetinmektedir. Toplam 92 sûrenin baş tarafı ile sonu arasında münasebet kuran Sûyûtî, çoğunlukla tek bir münasebetten bahsetmektedir. Ancak surenin başı ile sonu arasında bazen iki, üç, dört ve hatta beş ayrı münasebetten bahsettiği de olmaktadır.

“İlm-i Münasebet” içerisinde değerlendirilen ve ‘sûrelerin baş tarafı ile sonu arasındaki münasebet’ olarak isimlendirilen alanla ilgili yapılan çalışmalara baktığımızda, Celâleddin es-Suyûtî’ye kadar hiçbir müstakil eserin telif edilmemiş olduğunu görmekteyiz. Hatta bilebildiğimiz kadarıyla Suyûti’den sonra günümüze kadar da bu alanla ilgili müstakil bir çalışma yapılmamıştır. Ancak müellif sûrelerin baş tarafı ile sonu arasında gerek lâfzî gerekse manevî münasebetleri kurarken çoğu zaman isabet etse de, kurmuş olduğu kimi münasebetlerde başarılı olamadığı iddia edilmiş ve bazı eleştirilere maruz kalmıştır.

Sonuç olarak Suyûtî’nin bu eserini, birkaç varaktan oluşan kısa ve öz bir çalışma olmakla birlikte, sûrelerin başı ile sonu arasındaki münasebet ilmini ileri düzeyde bilen kimseler için bir hatırlatma, yeni başlayanlar için de ufuk açıcı bir çalışma olarak niteleyebiliriz

Anahtar Kelimeler: Ulûmu’l-Kur’ân, Münasebet, İlm-i Münasebet, Belâğat, Celâleddîn es-Suyûtî

Lisans: Şahin GÜVEN isimli yazarın "Celâleddîn Es-Suyûti’nin Merâsidu’l-Metâli’ Fî Tenâsübi’l-Mekâtı’ Ve’l-Metâli’ İsimli Eseri Bağlamında Sûrelerin Başı İle Sonu Arasındaki Münasebet" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Relation Between The Beginning And End Of Suras In Vıew Of Calaleddın As-Suyutı’s Book Marasid Al-Matali Fi Tanasub Al-Makati Va’l Matali

Abstract

This article is on the subject of “relation between the beginning and end of suras” as in the book named “Marasid al Matali fi Tanasub al-Makati va’l Matali” written by Calaleddin as-Suyuti, a fecund scholar who wrote hundreds of books in almost all fields of Islamic disciplines.

Suyuti is known as a scholar of many parts who not only conducted studies conveying cultural heritage of Islam before himself to the future generations but also wrote unique books. This book of the author is one of the books he wrote in the field of the Discipline of Relations, a sub-branch of Quranic Disciplines. One of the most distinctive features of this little book consisting of a few sheets is perhaps that it is the first individual published book on the field of relations between the beginning and end of the suras.

Although this study of Suyuti was generally printed with some of his other leaflets, recently two different critics were made and published. The first of those is the critic and translation by Süleyman Mollaibrahimoğlu of our country made in 1994. The second is the study by Abdulmuhsin b. Abduleziz al-Askar, studying its Saudi Arabian, Indian and Turkish editions. The mentioned study of Al-Askar has been published in Riyadh in 2005/1426.

There is no conflict on pertinence of the book to Suyuti and its name. As a matter of fact, the author refers to his study in five distinct books of his with its name. He refers to that book in his books named “Husn al-Muhadara” and “at-Taaddus bi Ni’metillah” he wrote himself on his life and books. In his books named “Mu’terak al-Akran” and “Al-Itkan fi Ulum il-Quran” he wrote on Quranic Disciplines, he refers to that study of his where he mentions the relations between the beginnings and ends of suras.

As can clearly be understood from the name of the book, its subject is merely the relation between the beginnings and ends of suras established based on wording or meaning. The author depicts that relation in general with very short and brief expressions, and settles with citation of the part of witnessing verses related to that witnessing. He occasionally provides summary information to ensure that readers can ponder on and understand. Suyuti, establishing relations between the beginnings and ends of 92 suras in total, mostly talks about a single relation. Nevertheless, he sometimes mentions two (Al-i Imran, Nisa, En’am, Kasas, Yaseen, Mu’min, Zuhruf, Duhan, Hucurat, Tahrim), three (Zumer, Hadid, Saff, Munafikun), four (Maide) and even five (A’raf) relations between the beginnings and ends of suras.

Zerkesi says that relation is something based on reason (reasonable) rather than dogma; and that mind accepts it when introduced. Csqy, it is a fact that there is an individual and intuitive aspect to establishing relations between verses and suras, in other words, detecting intra-textual patterns and connections. Therefore, some scholars tried to determine the connection, coherence and relations in terms of wording or meaning between the beginning and end of each sura, based on the opinion that order of verses within the sura and distinction of suras from each other are by approbation. We see that expressly in books of our mufassirs such as scholars Mahmud b. Omar Carullah az-Zamahshari, Fahraddin ar-Razi, Burhaneddin Ibrahim b. Omar al-Bikai and Calaleddin as-Suyuti.

Considering the studies on the field referred to as ‘relation between the beginning and end of suras’ assessed within the “Discipline of Relations”, we see that no dedicated book has been authored until Calaleddin as-Suyuti. Moreover as far as we know, no dedicated study has been made on the the field since Suyuti. On the other hand, Suyuti expresses in his book that although he reported from former scholars/mufassirs before himself, who provided information on the relations between the beginnings and ends of suras, he found out and recorded some relations which are the product of his own thought.

However, it was claimed that although the author mostly reached the right conclusion in establishing relations of wording and meaning between the beginning and end of the suras, he occasionally failed, and he was thus criticized. The most evident of the critics on the relation established between the beginnings and ends of to Suyuti is about sura Noor, consisting in total of 64 verses. The author establishes a relation of meaning between verse 31 in the midst and verse 60 to the end of the sura instead of establishing a relation between the verses in the beginning and the end of the sura. Still, that relation he established between the beginning and end of Sura Noor by Suyuti is a weak and poor relation because both verses are far from the beginning and end of the sura.

In conclusion, we can characterize that book of Suyuti as a brief book to the point consisting of a few sheets which constitutes a reminder for people advanced in the discipline of relations between the beginning and end of suras and an eye-opening study for beginners.

Keywords: Quranic Disciplines, Relation, Discipline of Relations, Relation between the Beginnings and Ends of Suras, Rhetoric, Calaleddin as-Suyuti

License: "The Relation Between The Beginning And End Of Suras In Vıew Of Calaleddın As-Suyutı’s Book Marasid Al-Matali Fi Tanasub Al-Makati Va’l Matali" by Şahin GÜVEN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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10. Yesevi Tarikatının Devlet Yönetiminden Uzaklaştırılmasıyla Türk Devlet Yönetim Sisteminin Çöküşü

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 341-364 İndir : 20170210.pdf

Yazar : Zikiriya JANDARBEK & Zhakhangir NURMATOV

Öz

Türkler, bilindiği üzere, Dinler Tarihinde “Gök Tanrı” denilen geleneksel dinleri olmasına rağmen, değişik yer ve zamanlarda Budizm, Konfüçyüsçülük, Maniheizm, Yahudilik, Hıristiyanlık ve İslam gibi farklı dinleri kabul etmişler, ancak bütün bu dinlerde geleneksel birçok inanç ve uygulamalar, örf ve adetlerini devam ettirmesini bilmişlerdir. Bu gelenekler arasında günlük yaşam yanında devlet ve siyaset ile ilgili birçok anlayış bulunmaktadır.

Türklerin İslam’ı kabul etmelerinde Hoca Ahmet Yesevi’nin önemli bir yeri bulunmaktadır. O, derslerinde ve kitaplarında hep Türk dili ile kültürünü, kurmuş olduğu tarikat ile özdeşleştirmiştir. Türklük böylece, bu tarikat dairesinde varlığını sürdürmüş ve dolayısıyla Türk devletlerinin duygu ve düşünce birliği etrafında yücelmesi ve güçlenmesini sağlamıştır.

Türklerin manevi-kültürel varlığının yeniden inşa etmesini Müslüman Arap çevresi ve Harizm beyleri pek hoş karşılamamışlar ve Yesevi’yi ve kareketini engelleyip yok etmek için çok uğraşmışlardır. XIV. yüzyılın ortasından itibaren Yesevi tarikatına karşı Altın Ordu hükümdarları tarafından siyasi mücadele başlatılmıştır. Bu olaylar Altın Ordu devletinin çöküşüyle sonuçlanmış ve Yesevilik unutulmuş ve sonuçta Türk devletlerinin yardımcı unsuru olmaktan çıkmıştır. Buna bağlı olarak da Avrasya ve Orta Doğu’daki Türk devletleri bilimde ve teknikte geri kalmışlar ve felsefelerini değiştirmişlerdir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Ahmet Yesevi, Tarikat, Türk İdare Sistemi, Altın Ordu, Kazak Hanlığı

Lisans: Zikiriya JANDARBEK ve Zhakhangir NURMATOV isimli yazarın "Yesevi Tarikatının Devlet Yönetiminden Uzaklaştırılmasıyla Türk Devlet Yönetim Sisteminin Çöküşü " başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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The Removal Of Yasawi Tariqa From The State Administration And The Collapse Of Turkish State Management System

Abstract

This article deals with the issues of roles and influence of religious factor for Turkic people’s government structure. Because, the structure of the government at the Turkic people was never proved on the governor khan absolute power. It has been based on electoral system. Bi or Bek, leaders of tribal structures elected by the khan from among representatives of the Turkic peoples’ ruling house. At the Turkic people descendants of the Kunkhan, the eldest son Oguz Kagan belonged to the ruling house. Alyp Er Tonga, Mode Kagan, Bumyn Kagan, Karakhanid governors, Chingiskhan, Turkish Empire governors, all of them are representatives of this ruling house.

However, they never existed before absolute power. After accepting Islam religion of Turkic peoples of Central Asia change in structure of the government has begun. Karakhanid governors weren't elected any more. They were owners of the absolute power. Because, by then at Turkic peoples the tribal structure under Islamic shariya influence has broken up.

Because, Turkic laws and ceremonies which governed the public relations at Turkic peoples have been forced out by Islamic Sharia. The marriage relations has passed from the exogamic relation on endogamy. It has led to decomposition of tribal structure. The institute of biyev-bek has lost the value. Thus, structure of the government was replaced from collective board to absolute. The people have begun to lose gradually the spiritual culture and language. Only the Khoja Ahmed Yasawi entrance to the historical arena, has given to Turkic peoples the chance again to return the lost culture and language. When you look at the important place of Khoja Ahmed Yasawi, it is seen that he has nourished Turkish language and culture by his own books, and so, he helped to survive of Turkic peoples’ future, religion, tradition and literature. Thanks to his works, Turkish state started to develop from the point of art, literature, policy, religious terminology, etc.

By means of his tariqa, that is Yasawi Tariqa, has comprised traditional Turkish understanding, language, religious comprehension and general culture. Turkism has continued and developed both in culture and civilization. His tariqa and Turkism had became notably equal in popular understanding. In another words, to separate from tariqa means exclude from being a Turk, that means both combined each other. This situation had impacted understanding and structure of the state system as well. Yasawi Tariqa helped tribes to place in state system in terms of wedding, moral values, particularly ethics of family and relationship between men and women as equally, jurisprudence issues, etc. On the contrary, The Khalifat in Baghdad and leaders in Kharizm were anxious because of this new movement. Firstly, Baba Maçin of Horasan has came to Yassı (Turkestan) in order to tell that the way of Yasawi was fault, but later on he confessed that the way was truth and adhered to Yasawi Tariqa becoming his disciple. By the same token Imam Marguzi of Kharizm came and debated with Yasawi but he realised that he was weak and participated to his tariqa as well. After very difficult process the tariqa has combined Turkish spirit with values in traditions (Hadits) of the Prophet Muhammad. So, this tariqa shows that Turkish understanding with Islamic belief was inseparable.

The marriage relations became exogamic again. Turkic peoples have completely refused the Arab ceremonies. Turkic laws and ceremonies have revived again. After Chingishan conquest, all power of Eurasia has passed to the Turkic people. At the time of board, the Uzbekkhan, Yasavi Tariqa became the state religion of Ulus Dzhuchi. The clan-tribal structures were re-formed, and the Zhuz system was created. At the head of the genus-tribal structures were representatives of the Yasawi Tariqa or the Yasawi sheikhs. All legislative power passed to Yasavi sheikhs. Thus, the Yasawi Tariqa again revived the ancient form of government by the state. The state began to be called the Golden Horde. Unfortunately, the son of Uzbek Khan Dzhanibek Khan go back from the Yasawi Tariqa.

He removed all biys from the board. Instead, he put the representatives of the Sharia scholars. He aspired to absolute power and wanted to get rid of biys who controlled the legislative power in the state. As a result, the Golden Horde broke up. After the collapse of the Golden Horde, all the states of Eurasia suffered the fate of the Golden Horde. A retreat from the Yasawi Tariqa led to the disintegration of states.

The last state that was based on the Yasawi Tariqa was the Kazakh Khanate. And his rulers also began to strive for absolute power and began a struggle against the Yasawi Tariqa. The last point in this fight was put by Tauke Khan, who passed the law "Zhety-Zhargy". In this law representatives of the Tariqa were removed from the board by the clan-tribal structures that held the legislative power and elected the khan. Instead of the Tariqa Yasavi, Tauke Khan accepted the Tariqa Naqshbandiyya, supposedly, providing him and his descendants with absolute power. Unfortunately, Tauke Khan did not understand the main question, not retaining his spiritual and material culture; no nation in the world can maintain its statehood. Thus, all the rulers of Eurasia fell victim to their desire for absolute power. Finally, they all fell under the colonial slavery of the Russian Empire.

Keywords: Ahmet Yasawi, Tariqat, Turkish administration system, Altin Ordu, Kazakh khanate

License: "The Removal Of Yasawi Tariqa From The State Administration And The Collapse Of Turkish State Management System " by Zikiriya JANDARBEK & Zhakhangir NURMATOV is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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11. Kur’ân’da “قَبْل” ve “بَعْد” Kelimelerinin Kullanımı ve Mânâya Etkisi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 365-412 İndir : 20170211.pdf

Yazar : Muhammed Bahaeddin YÜKSEL

Öz

Kur’ân’ın anlaşılması, ayetleri oluşturan herbir lafzın anlaşılmasına bağlıdır. Ancak lafızları oluşturan isim, fiil ve harfler lugat anlamlarıyla değil, cümle içindeki sistemden elde ettikleri anlamlarla anlaşılmalıdır. Zira anlam, tek tek lafızlardan değil, cümleyi îrâd eden irâdenin maksadını ifâde etmesi için cümleye yüklediği sistemden elde edilir. “قبل” ve “بعد” sözcükleri, ayetleri zamansal açıdan anlamca tamamlayan iki kelimedir. Arap Dili açısından cümlelerin anlamını zaman ve mekan açısından tamamladığında kuşku olmayan bu iki kelime, Kur’ân’da sadece zamansal açıdan kullanılmıştır. Bu iki kelimenin Kur’ân’daki kullanım durumlarına göre, anlam da değişmekte, yeni boyut ve derinlikler kazanmaktadır. Farklı eklerle de kullanılabilen bu iki kelime, karşılıklı anlamlarını ödünç de alabilmektedirler. Özellikle başlarına “من” harf-i cerrinin gelmesiyle ayetlere kattıkları ince anlam ve nükte, Kur’ân’ın maksadını üslup ve belâgat açısından zenginleştirmesinin yanı sıra, ayetlerin anlamlarına fıkhî ve itikâdî birtakım hükümler de izâfe etmektedir. Kur’ân’da her iki kelime çok yaygın bir kullanıma sahip olmasına rağmen, Kur’ân’ın anlaşılmasına yönelik vücuda gelen takdîre şâyân literatürde yeterli ilgiyi gördüğünü söylemek pek de mümkün değildir. Bu çalışma, söz konusu iki kelimenin Kur’ân’daki kullanım hallerini ve manaya olan katkısını konu edinmekle, bu yönde mütevazi bir katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kable, Ba’de, Kur’ân, Zarf, İzâfet

Lisans: Muhammed Bahaeddin YÜKSEL isimli yazarın "Kur’ân’da “قَبْل” ve “بَعْد” Kelimelerinin Kullanımı ve Mânâya Etkisi " başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Use And The Effect Of The Word Of "قبل" And "بعد" In The Qur’an

Abstract

The understanding of the Qur'an depends on the understanding of each of the verses that make up the verses. However, the noun, verb, and letters that make up the words must be understood in terms of what they get from the system in the sentence, not the dictionary meaning. Because meaning is derived not from individual words but from the system in which the speaker puts the sentence. "قبل" and "بعد" are two words that complement the meaning in terms of time. These two words complete Arabic sentences in terms of time and space. But in the Qur'an, they only complete the covenants in terms of time. According to the use of these two concepts in the Qur'an, meaning changes and new dimensions and depths are gained. These two words, which can be used with different suffixes, can also borrow their mutual meanings. In particular, the arrival of the letters "من" in the beginning of these two balances gives delicate and deep meaning to the verses and enriches the Qur'an's purpose in terms of style and belief. In addition, it adds a number of jurisprudential and faith provisions to the meanings of the verses. Despite the fact that both words are very common in the Qur'an, they have not seen enough interest in terms of linguistics scholars and the Qur'anic commentators. This study aims to investigate the contribution of the two words to the manners and manners in the Qur'an and to make a modest contribution to the field.

The words "قبل" and "بعد" do not make any sense to themselves. That is why they come in terms of noun phrase. Because "priority" and "after" do not mean a thing in their own right, they are in the form of other words together with other words to express meaning. Their meaning only appears in these specifications. However, the words "قبل" and "بعد" are not used in the form of the noun phrase, but they are used by themselves. But in this case, the presence in the mind of man as a noun phrase is appreciated. Because "priority" and "after" cannot make a meaning to themselves, they instead put out other meanings by means of the other words.

The words "قبل" and "بعد" come basically in two forms in the Qur'an, and in both cases they are in two different situations. According to this;

1. Comes in noun phrase. This happens in two ways.

a. In the noun phrase that does not have "من" prefix at the beginning: For example; "قال فرعون آمنتم به قبل أن آذن لكم", "فبأي حديث بعد الله وآياته يؤمنون".

b. In the form of noun phrases with "من" prefix at the beginning: For example; "ألم يأتهم نبأ الذين من قبلهم", "فمن تاب من بعد ظلمه وأصلح فإن الله يتوب عليه".

2. Situations where it comes without noun phrase. This happens in two ways.

a. At the beginning, "من" is found and fixed for the zammah: For example; “لِلَّهِ الْأَمْرُ مِنْ قَبْلُ وَمِنْ بَعْدُ”, “وَالَّذِينَ آمَنُوا مِنْ بَعْدُ وَهَاجَرُوا وَجَاهَدُوا مَعَكُمْ فَأُولَئِكَ مِنْكُمْ”.

a. The letter "من" appears at the beginning and is fixed for the “zammah”: "لله الأمر من قبل ومن بعد", "والذين آمنوا من بعد وهاجروا وجاهدوا معكم فأولئك منكم".

b. Nasb states: This happens in two ways. Either the name completion can be appreciated both literally and meaningfully: for example; “دخل الطلاب ثم دخل المعلم بعدَ (أو من بعدِ)”, Or it is time-honored. (قبلًا ، بعدًا) for example: “ما ضرنا قطيعة البخيل قبلًا ولا بعدًا” or “قد صبرنا عليك قبلًا و بعدًا”.

b. Situations read by “nasb”: This happens in two ways in itself. Either the name suffix can be appreciated both in words and in the sense of: for example; "دخل الطلاب ثم دخل المعلم بعد (أو من بعد)" Or, as time envelope is nakirah. (قبلا, بعدا) For example: "ما ضرنا قطيعة البخيل قبلا ولا بعدا" or "قد صبرنا عليك قبلا و بعدا".

Except these two forms, others are used in Qur'an. However, although these two uses are described in the book of grammar, there is no verse in the Qur'an in these two forms.

When we examine the use of the words "قبل" and "بعد" in the Qur'an, we can identify the following particulars.

The words "قبل" and "بعد" must be in a state of relativity. Because "priority" and "later" declare a provision relative to something outside of itself. For this reason, their meanings arise not only on their own but also as a result of the relationship they have established with other words.

These words become clear when they are in noun phrases. When they are not in this situation, they mean ambiguous meaning.

If both words are meant to refer to a particular time or space, the letter "مضاف إليه" is specified. If it is desired to express an ambiguous time or space, rather than a specific time or space with both words, then the interpretation is prepared and the consecrated letter is not considered.

Although the words "قبل" and "بعد" are used both in terms of Arabic Dili and in the time envelope and in the space envelope, it is possible to say that these words are about 200 in the word "بعد" and more than 200 in the "قبل" It is a matter that we have determined in our examination that we have been used only as a time envelope in the uses of the UN and not as a place envelope.

Both "قبل" and "بعد" words can be preceded only by the letter "من". In this case, the letter "من" in front of these words indicates the meaning of "start" instead of redundancy.

Again, these words are also used in the meanings of different prepositions. For example, the word "بعد" has been used in some verses to mean "مع". For example; "والأرض بعد ذلك دحاها". The meaning of the word "بعد ذلك" on the foot is interpreted as "مع ذلك". As such, the word "بعد" is sometimes used in the sense of "قبل". We can give this example: "ولقد كتبنا في الزبور من بعد الذكر أن الأرض يرثها عبادي الصالحون". The concept of "الذكر", which was passed this month, was also interpreted as the Qur'an. In this case, the word "بعد", which means "قبل", means.

As a result it is a fact that the words "قبل" and "بعد" are not the subject of independent work, although they are used extensively in the Qur'an. However, these two words pass in many different forms and forms in the Qur'an. Certainly, in the understanding of the verses, the determination of the reciprocal relations between the words that bring the verses to the line is a necessity in terms of understanding the Qur'an in a healthy way. In terms of mediating understanding, there is no doubt that the words "قبل" and "بعد" deserve this interest.

In these uses, it is generally an alliance, and the slander is almost to be tried. Perhaps this should be the reason why there is no intensive critique of these two words.

Although there are those who say that "من" at the beginning of the "قبل" and "بعد" adverbs are redundant, this is a false view. At the same time, such a thought causes the richness of meaning in the foot to be ignored. When it is read with verses before and after the verses, it will be noticed that each of the words comes towards a purpose and to contribute to man.

Keywords: Kable, Ba’de, Qur’an, Adverb, Noun Phrase.

License: "The Use And The Effect Of The Word Of "قبل" And "بعد" In The Qur’an " by Muhammed Bahaeddin YÜKSEL is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

12. Arap Dilinde Ses Anlam İlişkisi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 413-442 İndir : 20170212.pdf

Yazar : Musa ALP

Öz

Vâzı’ yani ilk lafız koyan, ses ile anlam arasında her zaman uyum gözetir. Nitekim Arap dilinde sesler mechûr (sert) ve mehmûs (yumuşak) şeklinde iki kısma ayrılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada mechûr seslerden olan zây/ز sesini barındıran ve diğer muhtelif iki sesi de mechûr olan üçlü fiiller ele alınmıştır. Bu fiiller El-Ezherî’nin Tehzîbu’l-luğa adlı mahrece dayalı iştikak sözlüğünde var olduğu şekilde müştaklarıyla beraber, orada verilen anlamlarıyla irdelenmiştir. İlk bölümlerde ses ve sesbilim hakkında genel bilgiler verilmiştir. Daha sonra zây/ز sesini içeren birkaç üçlü fiil ve anlamları yorumlandıktan sonra Tehzîbu’l-Luğa’da tesbit edilen bütün içinde zây/ز harfi bulunan sülasi fiiller tek tek çizelge halinde verilmiştir. Aslan gibi hayvanların kükremesi için vaz’ edilmiş زأر fiilinde olduğu gibi üç harfi de mechûr olan diğer fiillerin anlamında da bir şekilde sertlik, zorluk, kabihlik, olumsuzluk, ürperti vs. bulunmaktadır. Kişi زأر الأسد./Aslan kükredi, cümlesini duyduğunda kulağına ilişen زير seslerinden adeta hayvanın kükremesini hissetmekte hatta duymaktadır. Vazı’, zihnindeki anlama uygun cehri seslerden müteşekkil sesleri seçerek hayvan kükremesini ifade etmiştir. Dolayısıyla lafzın sesleri ile anlamı arasında doğrudan bir irtibat bulunmaktadır

Anahtar Kelimeler: Vaz’, vâzı’, mechûr, ses, anlam, müştak

Lisans: Musa ALP isimli yazarın "Arap Dilinde Ses Anlam İlişkisi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Phono-Semantic Relation In Arabic Language

Abstract

The Vaz’ı, in another word the first inventor words, always oversees compliance between sound and meaning. As a matter of fact, the sounds in the Arabic language are divided into two parts, mechûr (hard) and mehmûs (soft). In this study have been dealt with triple verbs containing zây/ز sound that considred from mechûr sounds and the other two different voices are also mechûr. These verbs have been handled as they located in al-Jawhari’s derivation lexicon named Tahzîbu'l-Luða that it based on sounds’ exit, with their conjugates and along with the meanings given there. In the first part, general informations were given about sound and sound science. Subsequently, the triple verbs containing zây/ز letter, were detected in Tehzîb, are presented one by one and in tabular and as a whole form after interpretation of several triple verbs and their meanings containing zây/ز sound. As in the verb زأر and other verbs whose three letters are mechûr which are derived for the roar of animals such as lions, there is a hardness, difficulty, ugliness, negativity, creep etc. in the meaning of them. When a person hears the sentence “. زأر الأسد/Lion roared.” he feels even hears the shudder of it because of the sounds of زئير that come to his ear. As a result the vazı' had expressed the animal shouting by choosing voices composed of cehrî/hard voices that are suitable for understanding in his mind. Therefore, there is a direct connection between the voices of the wording and their meaning.

In this study, the relation of sound meaning in the Arabic language has been considered and the zây / ز sound, which is one of the mehour sounds, has been chosen as an example. The reason why we chose zây / ز from among the numerous mechûr voices is that it is a common voice and it is frequently used all over the place. Every aspect of zaY / ز is used as the first, second and third voices of the ‘sulasi words’ and the basic dictionaries are examined.

The Sound is a vibration that every living thing for physiologically different purposes exits with the help of specific organs. Since its being, mankind has maintained its life by sounding like other creatures. However, some features that distinguish human from other living things. Feeding animals, breeding, etc. people can also convey feelings and mental topics to their interlocutors while making sound for purposes. Man is an entity that primarily thinks and speaks. Speech comes to the fore with the voices coming out of the voice organs. The first person to socialize has somehow started to talk between himself or herself. Words are expected to be written in the first place (‘vaz’ 'vâzi'), consisting of voices that can fit in the mind. When the human being is angry in the feelings, he speaks with higher and rougher voices, whereas on the contrary he prefers soft and lighter voices. The sounds in the Arabic language are generally divided into mechûr and mehmûs. In this context, all the voices of the places called ‘sulasi mücerred’ (the words given) are negative, rough, hard, tough and difficult to start, we are assuming that it makes sense.

Before starting to work, Vazi's solid, creepy, unpleasant, etc. that exist in the bidet's mind. We assumed that it was inevitable for us to prefer the sounds of the city when we spoke for meanings. In this view, he said, "Violence, shudder etc. in the sense of a triple verb that every voice in the Arabic language is mechûr should be approach. We have done this work to see how accurate our thinking is. As a result, we examined all the triple verbs with the letter zay/ز and the other two voices. The result we have is that it supports our hypothesis. Because all of the actions we have studied with their derivatives have difficulty in the root meaning, comprising. In particular, the last two letters are the same, meaning the same content in the sense of all the triple acts that are shaken. In addition to the voiced voices, violence has also become a topic. In parallel with all developments, there are developments and changes on the underside, and although there are some meaning differences, there is still a meaning in the root. Based on the result of the research, it is recommended that the triple verbs with the other three voices be examined as a new study and it should be determined to what extent they agree with the result obtained in this study. In addition to this, triple verbs with all their voices are also examined from this perspective, and the opposite of the result reached in this study, ie soft, pleasant, whether it expresses its meaning.

Keywords: Vaz ', vâzı’, mechûr, sound, meaning, conjugate

License: "Phono-Semantic Relation In Arabic Language" by Musa ALP is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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13. Üniversite Öğrencilerinin Kişilik Özelliklerinin Hexaco İle Ölçülmesi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 443-463 İndir : 20170213.pdf

Yazar : Mustafa ULU & Meryem Berrin BULUT

Öz

Kişilik konusu insana ait en dikkat çeken ve psikolojinin özel olarak ilgilendiği olgulardan birisidir. Kişilik çalışmalarının temel amacı, davranışların nedenlerinin bilimsel yöntemlerle açıklanabilmesidir. Günlük yaşantısı içerisinde çevresiyle bilinçli ya da bilinçsiz olarak etkileşimde bulunan birey, etrafında gerçekleşen olaylara ve uyarıcılara kendi hayat görüşü, değerleri, düşünce biçimi ve inançları doğrultusunda kısaca kişiliğini oluşturan yapılar çerçevesinde tepkiler vermektedir.

Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, üniversite öğrencilerinin kişilik özelliklerinin HEXACO (Humility-Honesty, Emotionality, eXtraversion, Agreeableness, Constientiousness, Openness to Experience) yardımıyla belirlenmesidir. Araştırmaya bir devlet üniversitesinde 2016-2017 yılları arasında öğrenim gören 283’ü kadın ve 81’i erkek olmak üzere 364 üniversite öğrencisi katılmıştır. Veriler, HEXACO ve kişisel bilgiler formu yardımıyla toplanmış ve SPSS 24.0 ile analiz edilmiştir. Ölçek, 60 madde ve 6 faktörden oluşmaktadır. Ölçekteki maddelerin değerlendirilmesi 5’li Likert tipi bir derecelendirme üzerinden yapılmıştır. Araştırmanın verilerinin analizinde nicel analiz tekniklerinden yararlanılmıştır. Betimsel istatistik yöntemlerinden ortalama ve standart sapma değerleri; çıkarımsal istatistik yöntemlerinden ise korelasyon analizi kullanılmıştır.

Bulgular, katılımcıların kişilik özelliklerinden en yüksek ortalamaya H ve en düşük ortalamaya ise X faktöründe sahip olduklarını göstermektedir. Alt faktörlerde ise en yüksek ortalamaya adalet ve en düşük ortalamaya sosyal benlik saygısında sahip oldukları saptanmıştır. Kişilik özelliklerinden H ve E faktörlerinin cinsiyet değişkenine göre anlamlı olarak farklılaştığı tespit edilmiştir. Buna göre her iki faktör için de kadınların ortalama puanları erkeklere göre daha yüksektir. Alt faktörlerde ise samimiyet, adalet, korku, endişe, duygusallık ve mükemmeliyetçilik alt faktörlerinde kadınların; esneklik alt faktöründe ise erkeklerin ortalama puanları anlamlı olarak daha yüksektir. Korelasyon analizi sonucunda ise H faktörü A ve C faktörleri ile olumlu ve anlamlı bir ilişkiye sahiptir. E faktörü X ve A faktörleri ile olumsuz ve anlamlı bir ilişkiye sahiptir. X faktörü O faktörü ile olumlu ve anlamlı bir ilişkiye sahiptir. Son olarak, C faktörü O faktörü ile olumlu ve anlamlı bir ilişkiye sahiptir.

Araştırmada HEXACO’nun revize edilmesi ve yeniden geçerlilik-güvenilirlik testlerine tabi tutulması gerektiği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Araştırmanın bulguları ilgili literatür temelinde tartışılmış ve yorumlanmıştır

Anahtar Kelimeler: hexaco, üniversite öğrencileri, Kayseri, kişilik envanteri

Lisans: Mustafa ULU ve Meryem Berrin BULUT isimli yazarın "Üniversite Öğrencilerinin Kişilik Özelliklerinin Hexaco İle Ölçülmesi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Measurement Of Personality Traits Of University Students By The Hexaco

Abstract

The issue of personality is one of the most conspicuous topics about human beings that psychology is particularly interested in. The main purpose of personality studies is to explain the causes of behavior with scientific methods. Individuals who interact with his/her environment consciously or unconsciously in the daily life have reacted to the events and stimulants that occur around them by their worldviews, values, thoughts, and beliefs.

This research has two main purposes. First is to determine the personality traits of students by using HEXACO. The second is to show that the HEXACO, as a valid and reliable inventory, can be used in the academical literature in Turkey. The data were collected with a total of 364 students, including 283 females and 81 males, who were studying at a State University during the academic year of 2016-2017 and randomly selected. The data were collected with “HEXACO” and “Personal Information Form” and analyzed with the descriptive statistical methods by using SPSS 24.0. The short form of HEXACO consists of 60 questions in five-point Likert style and 6 factors. Quantitative analysis techniques have been utilized in the analysis of the data. Mean and standard deviation values from descriptive statistical methods and correlation analysis from inferential statistical methods are used.

Findings show that participants have the highest average to H and the lowest average to X factor. In the sub-factors, it was found that they had the highest average to Fairness and lowest average to Social Self-Esteem. H and E factors were found to be significantly different according to gender variables. Accordingly, the average scores of women are higher than those of men. Whereas in Sincerity, Fairness, Fearfulness, Anxiety, Sentimentality, and Perfectionism sub-factors, the average scores of women are higher, men are significantly higher in Flexibility only. As a result of correlation analysis, H has a positive and significant relation with A and C factors. The E has a negative and significant association with the X and A factors. The X has a positive and significant association with the O factor. Finally, C has a positive and significant association with O factor.

The research has reached the conclusion that HEXACO must be revised and re-tested for validity and reliability in Turkish samples. The findings of the study have been discussed and interpreted on the basis of the relevant literature. The issue of personality is one of the most conspicuous topics about human beings that psychology is particularly interested in. The main purpose of personality studies is to explain the causes of behavior with scientific methods. Individuals who interact with his/her environment consciously or unconsciously in the daily life have reacted to the events and stimulants that occur around them by their worldviews, values, thoughts, and beliefs.

This research has two main purposes. First is to determine the personality traits of students by using HEXACO. The second is to show that the HEXACO, as a valid and reliable inventory, can be used in the academical literature in Turkey. The data were collected with a total of 364 students, including 283 females and 81 males, who were studying at a State University during the academic year of 2016-2017 and randomly selected. The data were collected with “HEXACO” and “Personal Information Form” and analyzed with the descriptive statistical methods by using SPSS 24.0. The short form of HEXACO consists of 60 questions in five-point Likert style and 6 factors. Quantitative analysis techniques have been utilized in the analysis of the data. Mean and standard deviation values from descriptive statistical methods and correlation analysis from inferential statistical methods are used.

Findings show that participants have the highest average to H and the lowest average to X factor. In the sub-factors, it was found that they had the highest average to Fairness and lowest average to Social Self-Esteem. H and E factors were found to be significantly different according to gender variables. Accordingly, the average scores of women are higher than those of men. Whereas in Sincerity, Fairness, Fearfulness, Anxiety, Sentimentality, and Perfectionism sub-factors, the average scores of women are higher, men are significantly higher in Flexibility only. As a result of correlation analysis, H has a positive and significant relation with A and C factors. The E has a negative and significant association with the X and A factors. The X has a positive and significant association with the O factor. Finally, C has a positive and significant association with O factor.

The research has reached the conclusion that HEXACO must be revised and re-tested for validity and reliability in Turkish samples. The findings of the study have been discussed and interpreted on the basis of the relevant literature.

Keywords: hexaco, university students, Kayseri, inventory of personality

License: "The Measurement Of Personality Traits Of University Students By The Hexaco" by Mustafa ULU & Meryem Berrin BULUT is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

14. İlköğretim Din Kültürü Ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretmenlerinin Değer Öğretiminde Benimsedikleri Sınıf Yönetimi Yaklaşımı

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 465-498 İndir : 20170214.pdf

Yazar : Muhammed Esat ALTINTAŞ

Öz

Değer öğretimi konusunda son yıllarda dünyada ve özelde ise Türkiye’de değerlere ve değer öğretimine yapılan vurgu ön plana çıkmıştır. Okul, öğrencilerin farklı gelişim alanlarında olduğu kadar ahlaklı bireyler olarak yetişmelerinde de önemli bir kurumdur. Bu yüzden öğrencilerin değerleri kazanması ve onların ahlaki gelişimlerini sağlıklı bir şekilde gerçekleştirilmeleri noktasında okullardan da katkı beklenmektedir. Bu konudan hareketle diğer derslerle birlikte İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgi dersi öğretim programında değer öğretimine yer verilmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, araştırmamıza katılan İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersi öğretmenlerinin değer öğretiminde benimsedikleri sınıf yönetimi yaklaşımını ortaya koymaktır. Bu çalışmada nitel araştırma modelinden yararlanılmıştır. Araştırmaya katılım gönüllülük esasına dayalıdır ve bu çerçevede 24 tane İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersi öğretmeniyle görüşmeler ve söz konusu öğretmenlerin derslerinde gözlemler yapılmıştır. Bu araştırmada mevcut problemin derinlemesine ve ayrıntılı bir şekilde anlaşılabilmesi için sadece mülakat verilerinin yeterli olmayacağı düşüncesiyle nitel veri toplama tekniklerinden biri olan gözlem de kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen veriler “betimsel analiz” tekniği kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Son olarak betimlenen veriler, literatür ışığında değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırmamızda öğretmenlerin büyük çoğunluğunun, tepkisel sınıf yönetimi yaklaşımına göre hareket ettikleri sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersi, değerler eğitimi, sınıf yönetimi, öğretmenler

Lisans: Muhammed Esat ALTINTAŞ isimli yazarın "İlköğretim Din Kültürü Ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretmenlerinin Değer Öğretiminde Benimsedikleri Sınıf Yönetimi Yaklaşımı" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Classroom Management Approach Used In Values Education By Religious Culture And Ethics Course’s Teachers

Abstract

Several countries and international organizations in 21th century and the National Education Ministry in Turkey in the last decade begin to study on the field of values education. Values education in schools have important influence on the moral development of students. For this reason, the chapter of ‘values education’ was placed to the curriculum of the course called as Religious culture and Moral Knowledge in 2005 in addition to other courses.

The most important element of values education is teacher. The teacher is the person who plans, applies and evaluates values education. The success of values education depends mainly on the knowledge and skills of the teachers who will undertake this activity. The knowledge and skills that the teacher has have a direct impact on moral development. Standards in values education consist of teachers' thoughts and practices.

Teachers must have a variety of knowledge and skills to teach students values. Therefore, teachers who teach values should have a rich knowledge of values, a sufficiently general culture, a good pedagogical formation, a consistent and balanced personality. One of the qualifications of pedagogical formation that teachers should have in the process of values education is classroom management.

Behaviors of teachers in the classrooms affect students’ moral development positively or negatively. In this regard, depending upon classroom management approach adopted by teacher, individual student moral conduct conforms to the shared morality and social norms of the classroom community. Even though there is general agreement on classroom organization in order to optimize academic learning, there are several approaches to classroom management which differs in their goals, view of children, methods, and the source of its power. For instance, developmental classroom management places more emphasis on building relationships than on controlling students as in traditional classroom management. A classroom management approach that teachers will follow has an important place on moral education.

Although formal schooling is regarded as an im­portant influence on the moral development of the child, there is little research that attempts to answer whether teachers have acquired the necessary skills and knowledge to create classroom environments that touch on values education aspects. For this reason, this study investigated classroom management approach used in values education by religious culture and ethics course’s teachers. I examined teachers’ views with regard to the problem of this study by conducting interviews with them. Participation to the study was completely voluntary. I interviewed twentyfour teachers. I observed their teaching in the classrooms. Findings were interpreted with the help of the related literature.

According to the results, most of the teachers places on controlling students as in traditional classroom management than on building relationships as developmental classroom management. The way in which rules are set in the class is one of the important indicators that reveals a classroom management approach adopted by the teachers. It has been understood that class rules are unilaterally assigned by teachers.  It can be concluded that the vast majority of teachers act according to the traditional classroom management approach when determining class rules. When class rules are not defined together with the students, the students do not grasp the true nature of the rules and exhibit undesirable behaviors. When students exhibit undesirable behaviors according to the teachers, some teachers apply disciplinary practices based on rewards and punishments to provide control. Most of the teachers respond to unintentional student behaviors with autocratic behaviors such as intimidation, punishment, threatening. This can be a serious obstacle to the moral development of students. However, it should be seen as an opportunity to teach values instead of controlling students in the face of unwanted behavior. Traditional classroom management adopted by the teachers can negatively affect the communication between teacher and students. According to most of the teachers, there should be a distance and autocratic relationship between the teacher and the students. Teachers' observations in their lessons have also shown that they have an authoritative approach. It can be concluded from this that the teachers in our research do not have sufficient democratic attitudes. Traditional classroom management approach that adopted by the teachers can adversely affect students' moral development and goals of values education. Developmental classroom management approach should be adopted to train conscious, responsible and autonomous individuals.

Keywords: Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge course, values education, approaches to classroom management, teachers

License: "Classroom Management Approach Used In Values Education By Religious Culture And Ethics Course’s Teachers" by Muhammed Esat ALTINTAŞ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

15. XIII. Yüzyıl Avrupası'nda Gazâli İmajı

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 499-510 İndir : 20170215.pdf

Yazar : Özcan AKDAĞ

Öz

İslam dünyasında hem kelamî hem de sufî gelenek içerisinde önemli bir yere sahip olan Gazâlî, Orta Çağ Avrupa’sında da dönemin önde gelen teolog ve filozofları tarafından tanınan bir düşünürdür. XI. yüzyılda Batı’da başlayan çeviri hareketleriyle, öncelikle tıp ve astronomiyle alakalı eserler, daha sonra ise felsefî/teolojik eserler Latinceye çevrilmiştir. Gazâlî’nin Makâsıdu’l-Felâsife adlı eseri de XII. yüzyılın üçüncü çeyreğinde, Gundissalinus tarafından De philosophorum intentionibus adıyla Latinceye aktarılmıştır. Nitekim Gazâlî, Makâsıdu’l-Felâsife’ye yazmış olduğu mukaddimede filozofların görüşlerinin bir panoramasını çizeceğini ifade etmektedir. Haha sonra kaleme almış olduğu Tehâfutu’l-Felâsife adlı eserde Gazâlî, filozofların düşüncelerini sert bir eleştiriye tabi tutmuştur. Her ne kadar İslam dünyasında filozofları eleştiren bir Gazâlî imajı hakim olmuşsa da bunun aksine, Orta Çağ Avrupa’sında, filozofları takip eden bir Gazâlî algısı hakim olmuştur. Bu çalışmamızda, birbirinden farklı iki algının kaynağı meselesini ele alacak ve bunun nedenini ortaya koyacağız.

Anahtar Kelimeler: İslam Düşüncesi, Batı Düşüncesi, Gazâlî İmajı, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Romalı Giles.

Lisans: Özcan AKDAĞ isimli yazarın "XIII. Yüzyıl Avrupası'nda Gazâli İmajı" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

The Image Of Al-Ghazali In The Thırteen Century Europe

Abstract

al-Ghazâlî is well known by eminent thinkers and theologians of the middle ages in the West. With the translation movement in the XI. Century, firstly works related to medicine and astronomy, and later to philosophical/theological works translated into Latin. For example, Avicenna’s Şifâ: al-ilahiyât (The Healing: Metaphysics), and Averroes’s commentaries on Aristotle’s books were translated into Latin. In the third quarter of the thirteen centuries, al-Ghazâlî’s Makâsıd al-Falâsifa (the Intentions of Phlilosophers) was translated into Latin by Dominucus Gundissalinus as De philosophorum intentionibus. In his preface, al-Ghazâlî says that he will draw a panorama of the views of the philosophers on the subject who wrote it.

In the Islamic world, there is an image that al-Ghazâlî is who criticizes philosophers about some matters. But on the contrary in the Europe, we are encountering a different image of al-Ghazâlî. According to this image he adopts and summarizes the idea of philosophers. Our aim with this study is to discuss the problem of the source of two al-Ghazâlî images, which are quite different from each other.

It is well known that al-Ghazâlî who is the eminent thinker in the Islamic thought criticized the idea of philosophers in his work named Tahâfut al-Falâsifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers). In this study, he took these problems in twenty discussions, and accused philosophers as heretics in three discussions, that is eternity of the world, God’s knowledge of particulars and resurrection. For this reason, in the Islamic world, al-Ghazâlî famed with an image that strongly criticized and even accused the philosophers.

On the contrary in the thirteen century Europe image of al-Ghazâlî was so different than the image in the Islamic World. In Mediaeval Europe, al-Ghazâlî was known as a member of peripatetic philosophy, summarizer and follower of Avicenna. In their writings, well known medieval western thinkers like Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, and Giles of Rome presented that al-Ghazâlî who is a thinker embraced the ideas of Avicenna about the eternity of the world, God’s knowledge of particulars, and resurrection of the body.

Albert Magnus mentions many times al-Ghazâlî’s name with Avicenna. Even if he uses the term “al-Ghazâlî who follows Avicenna (Algazel insecuter Avicenna).”

For example, Thomas Aquinas presents the same idea in his writings as well. He writes on creation of the multitude; “We should say that some philosophers held that God created the lower creatures by means of the higher creatures, as Liber de causis, Avicenna, and Algazel make clear, and they were moved to think this because they believed that only one thing could come directly from a simple thing and many things proceeded from the first thing by means of the second thing. They said this as if God were to act by a necessity of nature, whereby one simple thing produces only one thing.”

In the same line he writes On Truth al-Ghazâlî’s opinion about bodily punishment; “Some, aware that passion in a proper sense cannot be in the soul, have asserted that everything said in the Scriptures about the bodily pains of the damned is to be understood metaphorically. Thus, by the bodily pains with which we are familiar there would be indicated the spiritual afflictions by which damned spirits are punished; just as on the other hand, by the bodily delights promised in Scripture we understand the spiritual delights of the blessed. Origen and Algazel seem to have been of this opinion. But because, believing in the resurrection, we believe that there will be suffering not only for spirits but also for bodies, and because bodies cannot be punished except by bodily suffering, and because the same suffering is due both to men after the resurrection and to spirits.”

Giles of Rome accept the same idea in his writings. He allocated o chapter for al-Ghazâlî’s errors in his Errores Philosophorum. In the first error he writes “Algazel, agreeing with Avicenna for the most part and being his summarizer, erred in holding that the motion of the heavens is eternal, as is clear from his Metaphysics in the chapter ‘How the Supercelestial Bodies can be Moved by the Soul’”

In the soma way Giles argues that al-Ghazâlî accepts the creation by means of the second thing. Because according to him multiplicity cannot proceed directly from the first principle. Based on this assumption al-Ghazâlî maintains that only one thing, namely first intelligence or first angel could proceed from the first principle.

According to Giles al-Ghazâlî erred about God’s knowledge on particulars. Because al-Ghazâlî holds that first principle does not know particulars in their individual natures, but He knows in general. 

Consequently, there are two different images about al-Ghazâlî. The reason for the difference is the ignorance of the preface of al-Ghazâlî’s Makâsıd al-Falâsifa during the translation.

Keywords: Islamic Thought, Western Thought, The Image of al-Ghazâlî, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome

License: "The Image Of Al-Ghazali In The Thırteen Century Europe" by Özcan AKDAĞ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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16. Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin Kuruluş Devrinde Mezhep Politikaları

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 511-532 İndir : 20170216.pdf

Yazar : Abdullah Ömer YAVUZ

Öz

Türklerin tarihte kurduğu en büyük devletlerden birisi Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’dir. Devletin kuruluş devri, ilk sultan Tuğrul Bey’in (ö. 455/1063) hükümdarlığı süresini kapsamaktadır. Bu dönemde Selçuklu coğrafyası; kadim geleneklerin ve farkı milletlerin buluşma noktası olarak farklı felsefi ve kültürel yapıların yer aldığı bir dokuya sahiptir. Nitekim mezhepler arası yakınlaşma ve çatışmalar da bu yapının parçalarındandır. Özellikle Hanefîler ve Şafiîler arasında uzun süredir devam eden mücadele farklı mezhepleri bu ekolün etrafında hizalamıştır. Tuğrul Bey döneminde bu iki ekol arasındaki mücadele Mu’tezilîler ile Eş’arîler üzerinden yaşanmıştır. Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin kuruluş döneminde mezhep politikalarının temelini devletin siyasal birlikteliği ve sosyal kaynaşmayı sağlama arzusu oluşturmaktadır. Bu minvalde Büyük Selçuklu sultanı Tuğrul Bey, vezirlik makamına Mu’tezilî kimliğiyle bilinen Amîdülmülk el-Kündürî’yi (ö. 456/1064) getirmiştir. Selçuklu iktidarı, Hanefi ve Mu’tezilî kitlenin önüne açarak desteklemiş ve onları kadılık, hatiplik gibi görevlere getirmiştir. Buna karşın Rafızî ve Eş’arî-Şafiî-Sûfî kitleler Nişabur merkezli çeşitli baskılara maruz kalmıştır. Özellikle Eş’arî-Şafiî ilim adamlarından pek çoğu bölgeyi terk etmiş, kalanlardan bazıları tutuklanmıştır. Bu uygulamaları dikkate alarak kuruluş devrinin mezhep siyasetini Selçuklu Mihnesi olarak isimlendirmek mümkündür. Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin kuruluş devrini kapsayan ve Selçuklular’ın sonraki dönemlerine de etki eden mezhep politikaları Tuğrul Bey’in vefatı ve Alp Arslan’ın sultan olması ile ciddi bir değişime uğramıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Selçuklular, Tuğrul Bey, Mezhep Hareketleri, Mu’tezile, Eş’arîlik

Lisans: Abdullah Ömer YAVUZ isimli yazarın "Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin Kuruluş Devrinde Mezhep Politikaları" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Sectarian Politics In The Foundation Period Of Great Seljuk State

Abstract

The sects have never escaped the attention of the political institution. This link between politics, the state, and the sects deserves attention to its causes and consequences. In this context, it is important to evaluate the sect politics established by the Great Seljuk State, one of the four great states established by the Turks in history, in terms of Islamic civilization and philosophy. Because the frame of the sect shaped by the Seljuk period was maintained for a long time.

The foundation period of the state included in the mission time of the first Sultan Tughrul Beg. Establishment of the Seljuks contains a story about the domination of historical, geopolitical and geostrategic geography. Different religions, traditions and sects were in the geography of Seljuk. When the fıqhi schools of Khorassan and Mavera were examined, two sects came to the fore: Hanafisim and Shafiism. Hanafism was very active in this region. As a matter of fact, Selcuk Beg preferred Hanafism as a sect. Hence, the Seljuk dynasty was generally a member of the Hanafism sect. As it is known, the main expansion center of the Shafiism was Egypt. However, Shafiism succeeded to open up the geography of Khorasan, winning new impetus with the educational activities of Abu Ishaq Mouvez (340/951). In the time of Tughrul Beg, Shafiism had a large number of fans in the towns of Khorassan. There had an ongoing struggle between Hanafis and Shafiis in in the geography of Seljuk. Different sects created the block next to these two sects. Therefore, this ancient struggle experienced over the Mutazilites and Asharis in the period of Tughrul Beg. Tughrul Beg appointed Amidulmulk Kunduri, the Mutazilite, as a vizier.

Tughrul Beg and Vizier Kunduri were the determinant in sectarian politics in the foundation period of the state. The main objective of sectarian politics carried out by Kunduri was to support the Mutazila-Hanafi people. In this context, the qadi, the preacher and other bureaucratic duties were given to the Mutazila-Hanafi masses. Thus, Mutazila-Hanafi persons were brought to important tasks. Pressure and intimidation policies were applied against Rafidite, Ashari-Shafii-Sufi groups in this period. These politics which carried out under the leadership of Vizier Kunduri were called the Seljuk Mihna. According to sources, the Seljuk Mihna took place between 445/1053 and 455/1063 and lasted for ten years. The Seljuk Mihna began with the coming of Vizier Kunduri and continued until the death of Tughrul Beg.

The first step towards the Asharis in Mihna politics was realized by cursing the Imam Ashari and Asharite from pulpit. There were pressures and inquiries against Asharis in the process of Mihna. Abu Abdullah al-Hubbazi (447/1055), one of the famous people of the time, was questioned. Juwayni, one of the eminent scholars of the Ashari-Shafii identity, was a struggle with the Mutazilites and entered into controversy with them. Therefore he was the target names in this process. One of the names that were investigated in the Seljuk Mihna was Furati who was Ashari-Shafii scholars. Among those who were subjected to pressure and intimidation policies were persons with Sufi identity. Al-Qushayri (465/1072) was one of the famous Sufis of this period and was placed on the target board. The Mihna practices were carried out with the support of the bureaucrats, such as the judges and the orators, whom Kunduri appointed.

What are the main reasons for the Seljuk Mihna? There is a need for a holistic view as a method. It seems difficult to analyze the issues before considering the political, social, economic, cultural and sectarian structure of the pre-Seljuk region. There are sectarian conflicts that political disintegration reveals, as well as alliances between sects on the other side. After this general acceptance, practices of Seljuk Mihna become clearer. The struggles in the Seljuk Mihna are based on the dispute between the Hanafi and Shafii schools in terms of their historical roots. Two main parties have formed in the struggle between the Hanafis and the Shafiis. Other sects also took positions according to Hanafi and Shafiis.

The sectarian politics of foundation period of state enlarged the field of the Mutazila and Hanafi schools. On the other hand these politics seriously hurted Shafiism and Asharite, the shining star of the period, and other social belonging to which it was related. Apotheosis of the Mutazila thought with the state-supported should be considered as a state intelligence and strategy. In this context the sectarian-political relation of the foundation period also influenced the later periods of the Seljuks. After Alp Arslan came out on the throne, the whole sect politics shifted. In the new period, Vizier Nizamulmulk was a serious influence.

Keywords: Seljuks, Tughrul Beg, Secterian Movements, Mutazila, Asharite

License: "Sectarian Politics In The Foundation Period Of Great Seljuk State" by Abdullah Ömer YAVUZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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17. Divan-I Hümâyûnda Alınan Kararların Şeriyye Sicillerine Yansımalarına Örnekler

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 533-554 İndir : 20170217.pdf

Yazar : Savaş YILMAZ

Öz

Osmanlı Devleti'nde; tebaa, ehl-i şer’ tarafından verilen mahkeme kararları ile ehl-i örfün haksız uygulamalarını, Divan-ı Hümâyûna arz ederek hakkını aramıştır. Bu bağlamda taşrada ehl-i şer’ ve ehl-i örfün herhangi bir konu hakkında verdiği kararların kesin olmadığı gerçeği anlaşılmaktadır. Çünkü haksızlığa uğradığını düşünen tebaa, ehl-i şer' ve ehl-i örfün kararlarını, divana arz edip kararların tashihini ya da ilgasını, deliller sunarak sağlamıştır. Burada Devlet-i Aliyye'nin, taşradaki ehl-i şer' ile ehl-i örfü (devlet memurlarını), tebaanın şikâyetine binaen denetlediği, tebaanın mağdur edilmesine rıza göstermediği anlaşılmaktadır. Asıl belirleyici unsurun ise; tebaanın bilinçli bir şekilde haklarını, divanda aramasıdır. Divana, tebaa tarafından en çok şikâyet edilen konuların başında; ehl-i örfün vergilerin toplanmasında yapmış olduğu yolsuzluklar ile ehl-i şer'in tarafgir davranarak kararlarında adil olmamasıdır. Bu şikâyet konularının dışında; tebaanın tebaayla husumetlerinin de olduğu bilinmektedir. Osmanlı Devleti ise, divana arz edilen şikâyet ve talepleri dikkatle inceleyip adaletle karar vermiştir. Bu bağlamda mağduriyete uğrayanların hakları iade edilmiş, haksızlık yapan ehl-i şer’ ile ehl-i örfün haklarında idarî, malî ve cezaî işlemler yapılarak cezalandırma yoluna gidilmiştir. Mağdur edilen tebaanın ise maddi kayıpları suçlu/suçlulardan kadı huzurunda alınarak tebaanın, devlete bağlılığı sağlanmıştır. Böyle bir uygulama, Osmanlı Devleti’nin kuruluş felsefesinde yer alan adalet mefkûresinin yansımasıydı. Bu uygulamanın nirengi noktası ise; tebaanın can, mal ve ırz güvenliği sağlanmaya yönelikti. İşte bu çalışmamız da haksızlığa uğrayanların hak arama kapısı olarak neden yine devleti görmüş olduklarını, çalışacağız.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Divan-ı Hümâyûn, tebaa, adalet, kadı, taşra

Lisans: Savaş YILMAZ isimli yazarın "Divan-I Hümâyûnda Alınan Kararların Şeriyye Sicillerine Yansımalarına Örnekler" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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Examples On How Ruling Issued By The Ottoman Imperial Council Are Reflected In Ottoman Court Records

Abstract

In Ottoman Empire, it is clearly understood in court records and parlimentary documents that the citizen in the rural would seek for their rights about the court decisions given by cadis and public defenders and unjust applications of tax collectors by submitting the assembly which acts as superior court. In this sense, it has showed up that the court decisions about the citizens of cadis and public defenders, which is known as Ehl-i Şer’, are questionable. As the citizen, supposing to have got a raw deal by the decisions of the cadis and public defenders, would submit the decisions to the assembly by providing with the evidences to have the court decision corrected or annihilated which is clearly obvious in the ordinances sent to the rural. Concurrently, the most frequently happening of unjust decisions and financial profits of the cadis and public defenders on the citizen are prevented by the citizen who report such cases to the assembly and this case is seen in the ordinances and assembly decisions sent to the concerned in the rural. Therefore, it is understood that the state would never consent to the unjustly treatments of the cadis and public defenders or state officials serving in the rural against the citizen by inspecting in regard to the citizen’s reports. As the Ottoman Empire has the central state structure and adopts ideal of justice as principal, it prevented the cadis, public defenders and state officials to act irrrespossibly in the rural.  Therefore the main determining factor is the effect of the citizen who seek their rights conciously at the superior assembly that in todays context the superior court keeping the legislation, enforcement and judgement powers in hand. The most complained report to the superior assembly by the citizen is abuse and corruption of tax collectors while raising money and the unjust decisions of the cadis and public defenders by taking a side. In addition to all these reports, hostility between the citizen and field cases in court records are one of the most common matters in parlimentary documents.

The citizen would seek their rights through the assembly and at the same time this class would aside by the laws which shows that they would seek for their rights on a legimate basis. From this point of view it can be said that however living in the rural the citizen having raw deals by the courts would seek for their rights on a legimate basis and had faithfulness for the State. In such an legimate approach, The Ottoman State would examine the complaints and requests gingerly and consequently would do what is necessary. Therefore, the citizen having raw deals were given their rights back and cadis, public defenders and state officals who make unjust applications and decisions were punished with administrative, financial and processes of punishment by the State. As it were the door of justice, The Ottoman State ruled the law by never seeking any difference or taking a stand between the citizen, cadis, public defenders and state officials by any means so as to secure the justice. Because of this, the decisions given at the superior court would be conveyed to the rural and thus concrete steps were taken against the unfairness of the cadis, public defenders and state officals by dismissing them from their posts or they were given the punishment of ineligibility. The financial losses of the unjustly treated citizens would be compensated by the convict/s hence; communion between the citizen and the State would be secured. This case is seen as law in effect ascendant in parlimentary documents and court records. In this regard the Ottoman State would defend the rights of the citizen not differentiating between moslem or non-moslem within the political borders. This is because not only the requests and complaints of the moslems were dealed with but also the the doors of the superior court would be also there for non-moslems seeking justice too. Such an application was no more than the reflection of the founding philosophy that is to say Ideal of Justice of the Ottoman Empire. All these applications explicitly clarifies the real fact of the Empire’s impressive efforts of securing the livings, properties and honor of the all citizens. However hard the Central State made an effort to exercise around the circular of the Adalet Mefkûresi, the cadis, public defenders and state officals in the rural would loose themselves in stealing from the citizen. Hence, in this case of study we are going provide the answers of the reasons why the citizens who have raw deals would still seek justice from the State in the lights of the evidences. The citizen would see the State as father in Turkish-Islamic traditon. As a matter of fact, such kind of understanding has been the long established popular wisdom since the very first Turkish States. The Turkish word ‘Devlet’, which means the State, ingenerated from two different words. That is to say ‘Dev’means the one who loves, protects and looks after while ‘let’means the one who affronts and punishes

Keywords: Superior Assembly, The citizen, Justice, Cadi, Rural

License: "Examples On How Ruling Issued By The Ottoman Imperial Council Are Reflected In Ottoman Court Records" by Savaş YILMAZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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18. İsrâ Ve Mi’râc Hâdisesi Üzerine Bir Giriş Denemesi

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 555-601 İndir : 20170218.pdf

Yazar : Arslan KARAOĞLAN

Öz

Hz. Muhammed (sav)’e isrâ ve mi’râcı yaşatan önemli ve büyük sâikler, bu hâdisenin, onun moral ve motivasyonunu artıran bir mu’cize olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu hâdisenin mu’cize boyutunu, İsrâ sûresinde ilgili ayette geçen ifadelerden anlamak mümkündür.  Bu makalede isrâ ve mi’râc hâdisesi etrafında gelişen düşünceleri ve yorumları eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele almaya çalıştık. Sözgelimi isrâ sûresinde anlatılan isrâ olayının akabinde yaşanan mi’râcın Necm sûresinde anlatılan olayla ilgili olmadığını özellikle belirtmeliyiz. Çünkü Necm sûresi İsrâ sûresinden önce nâzil olduğuna göre önceden yaşanan bir hâdiseyi sonradan yaşanan bir olayın devamı niteliğinde göstermek tutarlı değildir. Buna ilaveten Hz. Peygamber (sav) bu tecrübeyi bedenen mi rûhen mi?, rüyada mı? ve uyanıkken mi? gerçekleştirdiği gibi konular etrafında birçok görüşe yer verilmiş ve bu görüşlerin analizi yapılmıştır. Ayrıca bu makalede İsrâ ve mi’râcın gerçekleştiği tarihe ilişkin birçok görüş değerlendirilmeye tabi tutulmuş, Hz. Peygamber (sav)’in mi’râcda kimi gördüğüne ilişkin bilgiler verilmiştir. Mi’râcda Hz. Peygamber (sav) ve ümmetine beş vakit namaz, Bakara sûresinin son iki âyeti ve ümmetinden şirke düşmeyenlerin büyük günahlarının affedileceği gibi hediyeler verilmiştir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Mescid-i Aksâ, İsrâ, Mi’râc, Namaz, Sidretü’l-Müntehâ

Lisans: Arslan KARAOĞLAN isimli yazarın "İsrâ Ve Mi’râc Hâdisesi Üzerine Bir Giriş Denemesi" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
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An Introduction Attempt To The Isra And Mi'râc Event

Abstract

Hz. Muhammad (may Allah bless him and grant him peace) is the greatest assistant and moral source in the distressed process that has been experienced by Allah and it is the miracles that God has bestowed. One of these miracles is mi'râc. Although the culture of mi'râc in the Islamic sources is more in the form of isra and mi'râc, isra is a part of the process, and therefore, in the understanding of popular religion, isra is mentioned as mi'râc.

The word lsra, which is the name of the surah, comes from the actual root of "سرى" which means "night march", and in these forms of root and verb pass in seven other places in other parts of the Qur'an. According to some scholars, isrâ "سرى" comes from the root of the verb "سرو" which means a large place, altitude, which did not come from the root. According to the evaluations made, the view of the isra word from the actual root of "سرى" seems more persuasive.

The mi'râc word meaning "ascending" and "ascending" is a name derived from the masterpiece "URUC" and means a means of ascending, a ladder. These words, which are included in various verses, are not closely related to the mi'râc event, while talking about ascending and ascending to the sky when considered in their own context.

 In the Islamic literature the mi'râc hadith is composed of two phases because it is mentioned in different nass. According to this, the Prophet made a journey to the Masjid al-Aqsa from Masjid al-Haram one night, according to the narrations and narrations of the Najm regime. The Prophet is called the mi'râc.

 The surah which was first utilized in the understanding of the matter of Isra and mi'râc is the Isrā surah. Since the description of the qualities of the Masjid al-Aqsa where the mi'râc hadith is experienced has not been made and only the information about the blessing of its surroundings has been given, different opinions about its nature have been put forward by ulema. As far as we can tell, there are five views in total. One of the most striking of these views is based on the interviews of Vâkidî and Ezrakî, Alfred Guillaume and some contemporary Muslim scholars allege that Masjid al-Aqsa is not a place in Jerusalem but a place in Ci'râne in Mecca. Although there is not much detail in the narrations and there is no explanation about the isra event, it is problematic to say that the Masjid al-Aqsa in the present is in Mecca, and saying that the work had interest in the mosque in Mecca. In this way, ordinaryizing the hadith in this way is also a problem it stands out.

When we look at the matter from a broad perspective, the fact that the Masjid al-Aqsa is regarded as a place near Mecca does not coincide with historical events.

When the Prophet experienced this event, he asked the polytheists about the incident, about the condition of Masjid al-Aqsa and the situation of caravans sent by polytheists. Therefore, there are no relevant issues in Mecca and its surroundings in the questions posed by the polytheists.

Another proof of the fact that the Masjid al-Aqsa is not a mosque from the vicinity of the Kaaba is the same: the use of the expression "ادنى الارض" /nearest place in the Qur'an is also used for Palestine, the places where the journey will be done, and the mention of the Masjid al-Aqsa and Solomon It is understood that the Masjid al-Aqsa is not a place in Cîrâne in Mecca, but rather a mosque in Jerusalem.

 If we pay attention, we can say that the Masjid al-Aqsa, as claimed, can not be determined only by adhering to the meaning of the words in the text, and that this mescid is not a small mosque near the Kabe.

While there are many histories about the time when Israel and the miracle take place, there is no consensus on the point of history. The most authentic story about the history of the arrival of Mi'râc is the first and the second of the Muslims. After the emigration of Abyssinia, Following the death of Hatice and Abu Talib, it is a narrative containing the fact that arrived a year ago.

There are about thirty-two hadiths reported about Isra and mi'râc. According to the Qurtubi (671/1272), all of the reports concerning the Isrâ and the mi'râc are well-received hadiths from about twenty companions.

Ibni Kesir's (774/1373) commentary, he reveals different tariks from eleven companions and conveys hadiths containing hadiths. According to him, it is understood that the Prophet went from Mecca to Beyt-i Makdis when the authentic, damaged and weak hadiths describing this hadith were thoroughly examined and that this incident happened once. In addition, Ibn Kesir does not reasonably believe that some people in the context of warning the reader's mass for the accurate understanding of these reports do not have the view that many of these narrations speak for a separate event, and thus have many isra and miracles. When Ibn Kesir's thought is considered, there is no doubt that Isra and the Miracle are alive. Different interpretations have been made by Ulema about the arrival of so many different narratives as diverse as the day-to-day. These possibilities, which are caused by the difference of the arguments, must be examined and examined thoroughly.

Because the Mi'râc event Buhârî and Muslim are included in the Sahih, the hadiths on which these reports are included are allied hadiths. According to the narration of Urve, Prophet Muhammad described the event that he had lived that night to Ummü Hânî first, then shared it with the people of Mecca, many of them, especially Abu Jahl, did not believe this, but Abu Bakir. With this event, a part of the Muslims apostatized and the majority of Muslims their devotion to the Prophet has also been severely tested.

Yahya b. Bükeyr, Leys, Yunus, İbni Sihab, Enes b. Mâlik and Abu Zer Râvâs such as reliable and truthful. According to this, in determining the authenticity of a hadith, the hadith chain functions as an important function. When we look at the hadith in the context of the text, it should not be doubted that this extraordinary event will take place. It is obvious that the isra and the mi'râc hadith are important and should be taken seriously, since there is no prescriptive evidence that the event will be an offense.

One of the most important discussions about Isra and mi'râc is whether it is a body or a spiritually. Since there is not any detailed information about the incident and the Masjid al-Aqsa where the event happened, it was a matter of debate between the nature of the event and the place. According to some scholars, this event is a physical and bodily journey God made to show his verses to the Prophet. According to some, this event is impossible. According to some, isra and mi'râc are events of the Prophet of the Prophet and they do not carry the character of a mujra. Note that all these views show that there is a mysterious direction of the isra. It is possible to say that while the present interpretations have some controversial aspects, it is clear from the main theme of the verse that the Isrā event does not include an ordinary journey.

One of the remarkable facts that the event of Isra was involved is that the name of the person who made the night journey was not mentioned directly, but "servant" was used instead. Here, with the expression "servant", the Prophet is meant. Moreover, the use of the word "ليلا / night" as the place where the hadith takes place appears to be an important detail. The translation of this balm as nekre and the reading of this balm in the form of “ من اليل ” in some traditions expresses the shortness of the execution period and its distant distance passed in a very short period of time.

Many opinions have been raised about the nature of the Mi'râc hadith. As a matter of fact, muhaddis Kadı Iyaz (544/1149) collects opinions on this subject under four headings. Mi'râc in spiritually advocated the idea that the knowing, The Prophet said, "He has not departed from the body of the Messenger of Allah, has traveled with that spirit," and Muhammad Hamidullah (2002) that the Prophet is in complete consciousness, but under the sovereignty of the spiritually. However, they do not indicate that the microcosm is in a state of sleep. Cebrâil When he came to the Prophet, he was sleepy when he was put into Burak and when he was taken to jerusalem. There is no evidence that the Prophet is asleep during the mi'râc. In addition, Kadı Iyaz, finds his narrative weak by evaluating the narrative from Aişe (ra) from various angles.

The meaning of the dream is to see with the eye the dream of the The sixty-third verse of the resurrection of Israh. As there is no test in the dream, no one will try to deny the dream. Everyone sees dreams that are not really possible in an hour of sleep. Hence, if the mi'râc had been a dream, then the polytheists They would not deny the Prophet. Since Mi'râc the Prophet is a purely miraculous experience, explain it within the bounds of mind We have to say that it is problematic to go to forced comments. Those who advocate that the Mi'râc, the soul and the body, have brought some other mental evidence on this subject. As a matter of fact, Fahreddin er-Razi (606/1210) explains that the proofs of those who claim that it is impossible to emerge from the body are wrong: The sun and planets move very fast despite their mass. It is possible that another existence in the hope of Allah will reach a familiar level. According to him, If the Prophet thinks that the mi'râce rise is unlikely, we should look at the descent of Cebrâil in the same way. With that, Those who argue that it is impossible for the Prophet to physically perform miracles; We can also say that the period was under the influence of insufficient knowledge and cultural accumulation. Because some difficult-to-understand traders can be understood more easily in the future by the influence of scientific and technological developments. Therefore, We think that the Prophet realized the mi'râc event while awakening with the spirit and the body.

Isra and mi'râc in the issue of how many times the Prophet repeated in his life also has an important place in the sources. According to some hadiths and narratives, Imam Kastalânî (923/1517) summarized the views of Isrān on the formation of doubles, as well as a number of opinions about the number of isra and mi'râc events. If Ibn Kesir was given more than one word, The Prophet will tell the conpanions that this number will be transmitted from generation to generation. According to Kastalani, the opinion of the majority is that it happened in the same night with the body and soul. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya notes that it is not possible to explain fifty prayers each time if the mi'râc is deemed to have more than one case, after expressing that the dispute arises from the fact that the weak narrators are stuck in the words of different narratives.

Although the above-mentioned explanations reveal that isra and mi'râc are once, according to some scholars, mi'râc has been realized twice, while one is asleep alone by preparation; And the other has come to the bazaar together with the isra. Imam Abu Shami (942/1536) is one of the scholars who advocate that come to more than one fruit. He, Said b. Mansur's, Enes b. Mâlik a result of the incident, which is narrated in the hadith as the merfu, The Prophet records that it had been happening in Medina and that there was no similar hadith. Another evidence that Mi'râc has more than one fruit is Necm Surah 12-18. verses. It is stated that these verses are pointed to mi'raca. It is important to understand/understand the concept of "Sidretü'l-Müntehâ", which is mentioned in the verse, in order to understand whether or not the Qur'an relates to mi'râce. Is this concept a concept that belongs to the world? Or Is it the concept of metaphysical poetry that the Prophet lived in the journey of the mi'râc?

According to the more accepted understanding among these views, which are made with various explanations about sidretü'l-müntehâ compound in the sources of tafsir, hadith and sufism, sidretü'l-müntehâ sky, mi'râc in the night of It is a tree in which Muhammad is a source of divine secrets. Because the verses in the book of Najm where the composer is involved are related to the miracle of Prophet Muhammad. For the place where this opinion occurred, the expression Sidretü'l-Münteha was used, along with Cennetü'l-Me'vâ.

There is an approach in which the mi'râc hadith, which follows the Isrâ event described in the Isrās, is described in the Necm surah. Note that the verses on both occasions Muhammad speaks of different things in different places and times. According to this, two surahs are in a different period, and therefore, It is inconsistent to think that the extraordinary events experienced by the Prophet occurred after the event. Accordingly, there is an extraordinary event in the Necm residence. As a matter of fact, Elmalılı (1942) pointed out that the meaning of تدلى means to go up and down, not to hang up from below, by objecting to the explanation of Beydâvî 's preaching of Allah and the appeal to him with everything the Prophet. Bukhari and Muslims, and the second mi'râc, which refers to mi'râc, is the fifty-third in the order of mushaf, the twenty-third in the order of revalation, and the second mi'râc We can say that you are alive.

The question that the Prophet does not see God in the miracles depends on the verses that tell him that he approached Allah/Cebrâil and saw him as "as two publishing spaces". Depending on the possibility that this approach will take place in the night of mi'râc, There are three views on how Muhammad sees in the mi'râc: According to the first view, He was among the Prophet. According to the second view, such a rapprochement between God and Prophet reveals that he is clearly an embodiment, and even if the text is correct, it is not possible to be accepted by his mind. According to the third view, Prophet does not see Allah, but Cebrâil. It is understood that the verses in this subject are read in their own context, and that when viewed in their entirety, the Cebrâil is the one that brings about the revelation and the revelation.

Revelation in different places and times, brought some of the Cebrâil inspired to the Prophet in the night of mi'râc. In this frame some gifts were given to the Prophet Abdullah b. According to the report of Masud, "three things have been given to Râsûlüllâh in the book of miracles: five times prayer, the greatest sins of those who do not associate with Allah from the last two verses and ummah of Bakara Surah.

We must state that there are different views on the last two verses of the Bakara and the five prayers given in the Mi'râc. As for the five hours of prayer, Süleyman Ateş said that five prayers were not found in the Qur'an. Moses and Hz. Muhammad dialogue between the Prophet is said to have been made up. However, we think that this criticism is not intrusive. He has stated that the dialogue on which the prayer ritual is being talked is a fitting, but he did not express the evidence of that which led to this conviction. There are also verses that will be evidence of the existence of five prayers in the Qur'an.

Both in Bukhari and in Muslim, the Prophet, In his conversation with Moses, fifty prayers are explained in five terms. There are some approaches to the nature of prayer before five prayers are made obligatory. From the earliest times of prophethood, the Prophet was prayed, and while praying from time to time he was prevented by the polytheists. According to some, there were a total of two prayers, the birth of the sun and the sunset. When the incoming reports are examined, it is seen that the last form of prayer has gone through some changes. Since, fifty prayers are accepted at the cost of five times. The Prophet and his Ummah were gifts.

Some say that the prayer has been put down in five terms; They said that they gave the impression of a bargain between the Prophet. However, it is a fact that to think of the existence of a bargain between Allah and the Prophet (if there is a matter of worship) in the laws revealed by religion comes from an inability to understand the logic of religion. Allah has made it clear that five times of prayer have come into existence for fifty times by living such an event, so that a Muslim has five times to receive his reward for fifty times.

One of the gifts given to the Mi'râc is also discussed with the subject of the Bakara's coming in the last two verses in the form of mi'râcta or normal revelation. Those who advocate that these two verses do not come down to the ground are offering the following proofs: How Allah will speak to people. Explain in the verse. In the same way, when some verses expressing that the revelations are through Cebrâil, the narration that the last two verses of the Bakara sura were given by Allah himself without the intermediation of the Cebrâil to the Messenger of Allah, the revelation by the Quranic system of the Qur'an It contrasts.

According to Ömer Nasuhi Bilmen, Allah reveals to his messenger three things in one of his ways. That is, what he wishes will be inspired, with occasional means, with a secret word or with a right dream, to the heart of the Prophets. Indeed, Abraham to sacrifice his son and Hz. Yusuf was revelated without any of the things shown in the dream. According to Hamdi Yazır, the last two verses of the Bakara summit had been unintentionally cast in the night of Prophet Muhammad.

According to Mevdûdî, a large part of the Bakara is the Prophet. The Prophet was infamous in the first two years of the Medina period. A short section, which was later revealed during the later period, was later added to the sketch because it was closely related to the topic covered in the chapter. For example, the last verse (284-286) of the Bakara summit, which preached before Medina to Mecca, was included in this sûrah. As it is seen here, sometimes it is seen that revelation is added to the Medina verses in some of the Mecca verses, as it is found without any means. In other words, the reasoning is that every speaker should speak about the Qur'an, It must know the mecca verses in the Medina surahs.

Keywords: Masjid al-Aqsa, Isra, Mi'râc, Prayer, Sidret al-Münteha

License: "An Introduction Attempt To The Isra And Mi'râc Event" by Arslan KARAOĞLAN is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

19. Dinler ve Küreselleşme

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 603-613 İndir : 20170219.pdf

Yazar : Peter L. BERGER / Çev. : Hatice GÜL

Öz

Yazar’ın, Boston Üniversitesi araştırma merkezinde, küreselleşme ve kültür üzerine yürüttüğü ve on ülkeyi kapsayan bir projeden elde edilen çalışmaların gündeme getirildiği bu makalede küreselleşme ve kültür arasındaki karmaşık ilişkinin doğası gözler önüne serilmektedir. Küresel kültürün cezbedici karakterine insanlar karşı koyamazken, diğer taraftan aynı küresel kültürün reddedilebilir karakterine de direnebilmektedirler. Öte yandan, küresel kültürün bu iki karakteristik özelliğinin dışında, küresel kültürün pasif kabulü ve reddi arasında sıkışmış kalan ayrı bir kültürel özellikte bu çalışmada yansımasını bulmaktadır. Özellikle geleneksel kültür unsurları ile Batı kaynaklı modernlik unsurlarının harmanlanmasında ülkelerin dini unsurlarının geçirdiği dönüşümler de küreselleşme ve kültür arasındaki ilişkinin önemli bir boyutunu teşkil etmektedir. Küresel kültür fenomeni modernleşme süreci ile yakından ilgilidir ve ortaya çıkan küresel kültür bir modernleşme olgusunun göstergesidir. Günümüzde neredeyse tüm dinî topluluklar, küreselleşmeyle birlikte kendilerine ait geleneksel toprakların sınırlarını aşarak gelişmektedir. Fakat amaçları ve kapasiteleri, modernitenin yeni formlarını yaratırken farklılaşmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, küresel kültür tarafından aktarılan Batı modernliğinin tek modernlik seçeneği olarak kalmayıp dünyanın birçok yerinde alternatif modernitelerin varlığının ve yaygınlığının gündeme getirildiği bu çalışma, küreselleşme ve kültür arasındaki diyalektiğin karmaşık doğasının önemini vurgulamaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Küreselleşme, Din, Alternatif modernite, Karşı yayılmalar

Lisans: Peter L. BERGER isimli yazarın "Dinler ve Küreselleşme" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Religions and Globalization

Abstract

This article in which the academic studies that the academic writer has carried out an academic project on globalization and culture at the Boston University research center, involving ten countries have been put on the agenda deals with the nature of the complex relationship between globalization and culture. While people cannot resist the appeal of global cultures, on the other hand, they can resist the rejectable character of the same global culture. On the other hand, in addition to these two characteristic features of the global culture, a distinct cultural feature trapped between the passive acceptance of global culture and rejection is also reflected in this study. Transformations of the religious elements of the countries in the blending of the elements of traditional culture and Western-originated modernity constitute an important aspect of the relationship between globalization and culture. The global culture phenomenon is closely related to the process of modernization and the emerging global culture is a sign of modernization. Today, almost all religious communities are in progress by overcoming the boundaries of their traditional lands with globalization. But their aims and capacities differ when they create new forms of modernity. Concordantly, this study emphasizes the complex nature of the dialectic between globalization and culture, not only being the only modern option of Western modernity conveyed by global culture, but also presenting the existence and prevalence of alternative modernities in many parts of the world.

Keywords: Globalization, Religion, Alternative modernity, Counter-Emissions

License: "Religions and Globalization" by Peter L. BERGER is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

20. Starting With Locke

Yıl : 201702 Sayı : 0 Sayfa : 615-620 İndir : 20170220.pdf

Yazar : Tahsin ÖLMEZ

Öz

-

Anahtar Kelimeler: -

Lisans: Tahsin ÖLMEZ isimli yazarın "Starting With Locke" başlıklı bu eseri Creative Commons Alıntı-Gayriticari-Türetilemez 4.0 Uluslararası Lisansı ile lisanslanmıştır.
Bu lisansın kapsamı dışındaki izinler http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp adresinde mevcut olabilir.

Greg FORSTER

Abstract

-

Keywords: -

License: "Greg FORSTER" by Tahsin ÖLMEZ is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://www.bilimname.com.tr/telif.asp.

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Görüntülenme : 500
  • Edİtör : Mustafa ULU
  • Yazı İşlerİ : -
  • Editör Y. : Cemil OSMANOĞLU
  • Mizanpaj : Mustafa ULU
  • Tanıtım : Osman BAYDER
  • Tarİh : 31.10.2017
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